,..u.ii:.iii.>iinii^  Willie  flriii 


BV  4208  .G7  M6 
Mosher,  Joseph  A.  b.  1880. 
The  exemplum  in  the  early 
religious  and  didactic   i 


COLUMBIA   UNIVERSITY   STUDIES   IN   ENGLISH 


THE  EXEMPLUM  IN   THE  EARLY 
LITERATURE   OF   ENGLAND 


COLUMBIA 

UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

SALES  AGENTS 

NEW   YORK : 

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LONDON  : 
HENRY  FROWDE 
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TORONTO  : 

HENRY  FROWDE 

25  Richmond  Street,  W. 


THE  EXEMPLUM  IN  THE    EARLY  ^ 
RELIGIOUS   AND    DIDACTIC 
LITERATURE  OF  ENGLAND 


BY 


JOSEPH  ALBERT  MOSHER,  Ph.D. 


gffe  fork 

THE  COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

1911 

All  rights  reserved 


Copyright,  191 1 
By  The  Columbia  University  Press 

Printed  from  type  November,  191 1 


Press  of 

The  new  Era  printing  Compant 

Lancaster,  pa. 


TO  MY  MOTHER  AND  FATHER 


This  Monograph  has  been  approved  by  the  Department  of  Eng- 
lish in  Columbia  University  as  a  contribution  to  knowledge  worthy 
of  publication. 

A.   H.   THORNDIKE, 

Secretary. 


PREFACE 

Although  the  short  story  in  England  has  been  frequently 
treated,  the  subject  of  the  present  study  has  hitherto  received 
comparatively  slight  attention.  The  exemplum  seems  never 
to  have  assumed  in  England  the  importance  that  it  did  on  the 
Continent,  but  my  aim  has  been  to  show  that  its  part  in  English 
life  and  literature  is  by  no  means  negligible.  Indeed,  owing  to 
the  various  and  far-reaching  relationships  of  the  type,  I  have 
found  it  inexpedient  to  carry  out  my  original  design  to  discuss 
the  exemplum  in  England  in  all  its  phases.  The  field,  there- 
fore, still  affords  opportunities  for  profitable  research  which 
I  hope  the  following  pages  may  in  some  measure  suggest. 

In  the  preparation  of  the  work  I  have  incurred  various  obli- 
gations which  are  acknowledged  with  pleasure.  For  their  kind 
co-operation  I  desire  to  thank  the  librarians  of  Union  Theo- 
logical Seminary,  New  York  University,  and  particularly,  the 
librarians  and  attendants  of  Columbia  University.  I  am 
indebted  to  Professor  G.  P.  Krapp,  who  proposed  the  subject, 
read  the  manuscript,  and  offered  valuable  suggestions ;  also  to 
Professor  H.  M.  Ayres  for  reading  the  manuscript  and  con- 
tributing helpful  criticism.  My  chief  obligation  is  to  Professor 
W.  W.  Lawrence,  who  has  watched  the  progress  of  the  work 
with  unfailing  interest  and  has  given  me  the  benefit  of  his 
accurate  and  comprehensive  knowledge  of  mediaeval  literature. 

J.  A.  M. 
Columbia  University, 
March  9,  1911. 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER    I 

PAGE. 

Definition,  Origin  and  Development  of  the  Exemplum i 

Definition  of  the  type:  a  working  definition — diversity  of  opinion 
concerning  the  exemplum — classification  by  Lecoy  de  la  Marche 
— elimination  of  allied  types — classes  of  example  books — purposes 
served  by  the  type.  Origin  and  development  of  the  exemplum: 
Eastern  origin  of  the  type — adoption  and  encouragement  of  its  use 
by  Gregory  the  Great — comparative  disuse  of  exempla  before  the 
thirteenth  century — popularization  of  exempla  by  Jacques  de  Vitry 
and  the  friars — multiplication  of  example  books — abuse  of  the 
type — objections  by  individuals  and  Church  Councils — gradual  de- 
cline of  the  exemplum. 

CHAPTER  II 
The  Exemplum  in  English  before  the  Coming  of  the  Friars....  20 
Earliest  use  of  exempla  in  English  literature:  Alfred's  translation 
of  the  Pastoral  Care,  of  the  Consolation  of  Philosophy — Wer- 
ferth's  translation  of  Gregory's  Dialogues.  The  exemplum  in  Old 
English  homiletic  literature:  Blickling  Homilies — Aelfric's  Hom- 
ilies— Wulfstan's  Homilies — Old  English  Homilies — Ormulum — 
summary. 

CHAPTER    III 

The  Latin  Exemplum  in  England 54 

Use  of  Exempla  in  Latin  treatises:  John  of  Salisbury's  Polycrati- 
cus — Walter  Map's  De  Nugis  Curialium — Gervase  of  Tilbury's 
Otia  Imperialia — Alexander  Neckam's  De  Naturis  Rerum — Giral- 
dus  Cambrensis'  Gemma  Ecclesiastica — Odo  de  Ceritona's  moralized 
fables  and  sermons — summary.  Early  Latin  collections:  monkish 
legends — saints'  lives  and  legends  of  the  Virgin — summary. 
Formal  .example  books:  Liber  Exemplorum — Exempla  Deodati — ■ 
Exempla  Communia — Speculum  Laicorum — Gesta  Romanorum — 
Holkot's  Moralitates  and  Liber  Sapientiae — Bromyard's  Summa 
Praedicantium — summary. 

CHAPTER    IV 

The  Exemplum  in  Popular  Homiletic  Literature  after  the  Com- 
ing OF  THE  Friars 84 

ix 


Low  status  of  preaching  at  the  opening  of  the  thirteenth  century. 
Effect  of  the  Dominicans  and  Franciscans  on  exempla:  revolution 
in  religious  teaching — popularization  of  exempla.  Influence  of 
saints'  lives  on  exempla:  Old  English  saints'  lives — Aelfric's  Lives 
of  Saints — Middle  English  lives  of  Margaret,  Juliana  and  Kath- 
arine— verse  translation  of  Gregory's  Dialogues — Legenda  Aurea 
— South  English  Legendary — North  English  Legendary  and  Homily 
Collection.  The  exemplum  in  representative  homily  collections: 
North  English  Homily  Collection — Contes  Moralizes  of  Nicole  de 
Bozon — Prose  Treatises  of  Richard  Rolle  and  his  followers — 
Mirk's  Festial — summary. 

CHAPTER    V 

PAGE. 

The  Exemplum  in  Religious  Treatises  and  Instruction-Books....  115 
Nature  of  the  religious  treatise.  Typical  treatises  which  lack  the 
exemplum:  Vices  and  Virtues — Sawle  Warde — Speculum  of  Saint 
Edmund — Abbey  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  Representative  treatises  em- 
ploying exempla:  William  of  Wadington's  Manuel  des  Pechiez  and 
Robert  of  Brunne's  Handlyng  Synne — Agenbite  of  Inwyt — Jacob's 
Well — Myroure  of  Oure  Ladye — summary.  The  exemplum  not 
adapted  to  the  majority  of  instruction  books.  Exempla  prominent 
in  instruction  hooks  which  teach  inorality :  Secreta  Secretorum — 
Hoccleve's  Regement  of  Princes — Young's  Governaunce  of  Prynces 
— Book  of  the  Knight  of  La  Tour  Landry — Liber  Consolationis  or 
Instructions  to  his   Son  by  Idle  Peter — Book   of  Cato — summary. 

CHAPTER   VI 
Conclusion 137 

The  exemplum  an  exotic  type — influence  of  Alfred's  translations 
and  their  originals,  of  Gregory's  Dialogues  and  the  Vitae  Patrum — 
decline  of  the  exemplum — revival  among  the  eleventh  and  twelfth 
century  clerics — popularization  by  the  Dominicans  and  Franciscans 
— comparative  scarcity  of  English  collections  and  original  tales — 
increasing  popularity  of  exempla — English  conservatism — probable 
abuse — tendency  toward  secularization  in  religious  treatises  and  in- 
struction books — a  new  problem — aim  of  the  study  reviewed. 
List  of  Books  Cited 140 


"  If  I  am  not  too  partial  to  myself,  a  variety  of  anecdote  cannot  be 
displeasing  to  anyone,  unless  he  be  morose  enough  to  rival  the  supercil- 
iousness  of   Cato." 

William    of    Malmesbury, 
Gesta   Regum   Anglorum. 


CHAPTER  I 

The  Definition,  Origin  and  Development 
of  the  exemplum 

The  exemplum  may  be  briefly  and  conveniently  defined  as  a 
short  narrative  used  to  illustrate  or  confirm  a  general  statement. 
But  since  the  term  is  frequently  supposed  to  comprise  a  variety 
of  illustrations  which  do  not  really  belong  to  the  type,  it  is 
desirable  to  consider  the  definition  carefully.  To  this  end  we 
may  examine  the  views  of  the  critics,  some  representative 
exempla  collections,  and  the  actual  use  of  the  type. 

Among  the  critics  there  appears  to  be  some  diversity  of 
opinion  upon  the  subject.  Arthur  Piaget  understands  by 
exempla,  "  toutes  especes  de  recits  de  toutes  provenances,  em- 
pruntes  a  I'histoire  ancienne  ou  contemporaine,  profane  ou 
sacree,  aux  vies  de  saints,  aux  legendes  populaires,  aux 
bestiaires ;  des  anecdotes  ou  *  faits  divers ' ;  tout  recit  enfin  qui, 
comme  le  mot  I'indique,  pouvait  servir  d'exemple,  c'est-a-dire 
d'eclaircissement  ou  de  preuve  a  I'appui  d'un  enseignement 
moral  ou  religieux."^  The  inclusion  of  bestiary  material  is 
particularly  to  be  noted.  The  definition  of  Gaston  Paris 
includes  parables.  He  says,  "II  fut  longtemps  d'usage  d'y  [in 
sermons]  introduire  ce  qu'on  appelait  des  exemples,  c'est-a-dire, 
de  courts  recits,  tantot  edifiants  en  eux-memes,  tantot  ayant  le 
caractere  de  paraboles  ou  meme  de  recits  plaisants,  desquels  le 
predicateur  extrayait  ensuite  une  moralite."^  Ten  Brink  makes 
especial  mention  of  fables.  "  The  preachers,"  he  says,  "  and 
especially  the  mendicant  friars,  had  long  been  in  the  habit  of 
making  use  of  Aesopian  fables  and  other  tales  in  the  pulpit."^ 
Paul   Meyer,   however,   is   of   the   opinion   that   the   edifying 

^  Petit  de  Julleville,  Histoire  de  la  Langue  et  de  la  Litterature  frangaise, 
II,  242.  The  page  reference,  here,  as  in  all  cases,  is  to  the  edition  cited  in 
the  bibliography,  where  full  titles  are  given. 

^  La  Litterature  frangaise  au  Moyen  Age,  247. 

^  History   of  English  Literature,  I,    264. 

2  1 


anecdotes,  or  supposedly  such,  called  exempla  in  the  Middle 
Ages,  are  not  to  be  confused  with  fables  or  parables.*  Thomas 
Wright  mentions  among  other  species  of  exempla,  jests  and 
satirical  anecdotes,  adaptations  from  fabliaux,  from  the  metri- 
cal poems  of  the  jongleurs,  and  abridgments  of  more  extensive 
romances.^  Professor  T.  F.  Crane  states  that  among  the  early 
collectors  of  illustrations  from  the  sermons  of  Jacques  de  Vitry, 
"  sometimes  moral  reflections,  etc.,  are  considered  exempla, 
and  sometimes  mere  references  to  biographical  or  historical 
fact  are  so  treated."®  Perhaps  the  most  satisfactory  classi- 
fication is  that  of  Lecoy  de  la  Marche.  "  Les  exemples  em- 
ployes par  nos  [mediaeval  French]^  sermonnaires  sont  de 
quatre  sortes.  Les  uns  sont  extraits  de  I'histoire  ou  des 
legendes,  particulierement  des  historiens  de  I'antiquite,  des 
chroniques  de  France,  des  vies  de  saints,  des  livres  historiques 
de  la  Bible.  D'autres  sont  pris  dans  les  evenements  contem- 
porains,  les  anecdotes  du  domaine  publique  ou  les  souvenirs 

de  I'auteur Les  fables  composent  une  troisieme  categoric ; 

.  .  .  elle  embrasse  presque  tons  les  sujets  traites  par  Esope, 
Phedre  et  La  Fontaine,  plus  beaucoup  d'autres  moins  connus. 
...  La  plupart  sont  empruntes  uniquement  au  genie  populaire, 
qui  les  avait  enfantes,  et  a  la  tradition,  qui  les  avait  consacres ; 
tm  petit  nombre,  pourtant,  semblent  directement  puises  chez 
les  ecrivains  antiques.  .  .  .  Le  dernier  genre  d'exemples  con- 
siste  en  descriptions  ou  en  moralites  tirees  de  ces  singuliers 
bestiaires,  si  communs  au  moyen  age."^  In  the  opinions  cited, 
it  is  to  be  observed  that  while  the  critics  may  vary  on  some 
points,  they  uniformly  emphasize  the  narrative  element  of 
exempla. 

An  examination  of  representative  collections  shows  that  the 

*  Romania,  XIV,  390.  Cf.  also  Les  Contes  Moralizes  de  Nicole  de  Bozon, 
introd.,  v,  x. 

"  Latin  Stories,  introd.,  vi. 

*  The  Exempla  of  Jacques  de  Vitry,  introd.,  xlvii. 

^  It  should  be  remembered  that  collections  of  stories  circulated  freely 
among  the  churchmen  of  all  Roman  Catholic  countries.  See  J.  J.  Jus- 
serand,  A  Literary  History  of  the  English  People,  I,  154;  also  W.  J. 
Courthope,  A  History  of  English  Poetry,  I,  152. 

*  La   Chaire  frangaise  au  Moyen  Age,   302-304. 


statement  of  Lecoy  de  la  Marche  covers  the  ground  very 
satisfactorily,  although,  strictly  speaking,  bestiary  material  and 
fables  do  not  belong  to  the  genre.  Illustrative  passages  from 
bestiaries,  lapidaries,  and  volucriaries  are  by  no  means  wanting 
in  the  religious  and  moral  literature  of  the  Middle  Ages ;  they 
are,  like  fables,  sometimes  even  designated  by  the  term  "bysen," 
"  ensampel,"  or  "  exemplum."  But  it  is  to  be  noted  that  illus- 
trations from  nature  are  rarely  found  in  the  standard  collec- 
tions of  exempla,  and  that  they  are  altogether  lacking  in  the 
most  notable  storehouses,  such  as  the  Dialogues  of  Gregory,  the 
Disciplina  Clcricalis  of  Petrus  Alphonsus,  the  Factorum  et 
Dictorum  meinorabilium  of  Valerius  Maximus,  the  Dialogus 
Miraculorum  of  Caesar  of  Heisterbach,  and  the  Tractatiis  de 
diversis  materiis  praedicabilibus  of  fitienne  de  Bourbon.  More- 
over, where  bestiary  and  kindred  matter  does  appear,  it  is 
usually  distinguished  from  the  narratives.  A  notable  case  in 
point  is  the  Contcs  Moralities  of  Nicole  de  Bozon,  where  the 
essential  part  of  the  work  consists  of  statements  about  the 
nature  or  "  property "  of  plants,  animals  or  stones,  followed 
by  moralizations  drawn  from  them.  For  illustrating  the  moral 
so  drawn,  tales  are  added,  under  the  caption  "  Narratio  ad 
Idem  "  or  "  Fabula  ad  Idem,"  entirely  distinct  from  the  "  prop- 
erties of  things "  and  the  moralizations.  Another  work  in 
which  the  distinction  is  felt  if  not  openly  indicated  is  Robert 
Holkot's  Liber  Sapientiae,  where  passages  from  natural  history 
are  jumbled  together  with  narratives,  analogies,  metaphors, 
similes  and  moralizings.  In  such  a  case  there  seems  to  be  no 
more  reason  for  calling  a  bestiary  passage  an  exemplum  than 
for  so  designating  a  simile  or  metaphor.  Certainly  figures  of 
speech  should  be  excluded  from  the  exemplum  class,  although 
"  bysen,"  "  ensampel  "  and  "  exemplum  "  are  frequently  applied 
to  them.  The  following  passages  from  the  works  of  English 
writers  will  indicate  the  varied  application  of  these  terms  to 
figures  of  speech. 

In  Alfred's  Boethius,  Mind  has  asked  Philosophy  to  show 
what  true  happiness  is ;  Philosophy  replies,  "  Ic  wille  forlustlice 
for  ]?inum  lufum;  ac  ic  sceal  be  sumre  bysene  sume  anlicnesse 


]?aere  wisan  pe  getascan,  o}?j7e  ]7aet  J^ing  cu)?re  sie."^  The 
examples  cited  are  to  the  effect  that  whoever  would  sow  fertile 
land  must  first  pluck  up  all  the  weeds  so  that  the  wheat  may 
grow  better;  that  everybody  thinketh  honey-comb  the  sweeter 
after  tasting  something  bitter;  that  calm  weather  is  more 
delectable  after  a  storm,  day  after  night ;  so,  happiness  after 
misery.  In  the  same  work  Alfred  calls  the  well-known  com- 
parison of  godly  and  careless  men  with  the  parts  of  a  wheel, 
a  "bispell."^« 

In  the  homily  on  the  Nativity  of  our  Lord,  Aelfric  uses  the 
term  "  bysen  "  in  reference  to  an  analogy.  Speaking  of  the 
divine  and  human  nature  of  Christ,  which  is  neither  mingled 
nor  yet  separated,  he  says :  "  We  mihton  eow  secgan  ane  lytle 
bysne,  gif  hit  to  waclic  naere;  Sceawa  nu  on  anum  aege,  hu 
]?set  hwite  ne  bi]?  gemenged  to  J^am  geolcan,  and  bi]?  hwaej^ere 
an  aeg.  Nis  eac  Cristes  godcundnys  gerunnen  to  J^aere  menni- 
scnysse,  ac  he  J^urhwuna]?  j^eah  a  on  ecnysse  on  anum  hade 
untotwaemed."^^ 

Wulfstan  uses  similar  examples.  For  instance,  in  "  Lar- 
spell"  (No.  xlix),  after  stating  that  those  who  seek  to  raise 
themselves  to  high  positions  are  most  liable  to  be  stricken  down, 
he  says,  "  Swa  we  magon  be  J?am  ]>a.  bysne  oncnawan  and 
ongitan,  ]?aet  treow  )?onne,  ]>e  wexe)?  on  ]?am  wudubearwe,  )?ast 
hit  hlifaj?  up  ofer  call  ]>a.  o]?re  treowu  and  brsede]?  hit,  ]7onne 
semninga  storm  gestande]?  and  se  stranga  wind,  ]7onne  bi}?  hit 
swi]?licor  geweged  and  geswencged,  J?onne  se  oj^er  wudu."^- 

In  the  Old  English  Homilies,  the  writer  says  with  reference 
to  fasting,  that  the  sinner  fasts  to  cleanse  himself  from  sin,  the 
righteous  man  to  preserve  his  righteousness  and  approach  holi- 
ness, and  the  holy  man  to  exalt  his  seat  in  heaven ;  then  he 
adds,  "  and  J^is  us  do)?  to  understonden  ]>e  forbisne  of  J?e  was- 
shestren."  This  "  forbisen  "  tells  how  some  bear  soiled  clothes 
to  the  water  for  washing — so  fasteth  the  sinful  man  to  be 
cleansed  of  his  foul  sins ;  others  bear  clean  clothes  to  the  water 

'King  Alfred's   Old  English   Version  of  Boethius,   51. 
^"Ibid.,    129. 

"  Aelfric's  Homilies,   I,   40;   see  also   pp.   212,   286,   304. 
^'  Wulfstan  Homilies,   262. 


to  be  bleached — so  doth  the  righteous  man  to  please  our  Lord 
and  to  have  eternal  life,  etc.^^ 

The  author  of  the  Ancren  Rizvle  introduces  a  comparison 
between  a  castle  surrounded  by  a  filled  moat  and  a  man  sur- 
rounded by  the  ditch  of  humility,  with  the  expression  "  another 
example."^*  In  the  Second  Sunday  Sermon  of  the  English 
Metrical  Homilies,  the  Biblical  comparison  concerning  the 
budding  fig  tree  and  the  signs  of  the  approach  of  the  heavenly 
kingdom  is  called  an  "  ensampel."^^  Another  writer  who 
uses  the  term  "  example"  with  reference  to  a  figure  of  speech 
is  the  author  of  the  Middle  English  dialogue,  Vices  and  Virtues, 
written  about  1200.  He  refers  to  Saint  Gregory  as  the  source 
of  the  example  (forbisen)  that  just  as  no  web  can  be  woven 
without  two  beams,  so  charity  can  never  be  accomplished  with- 
out two  loves,  God's  and  man's. ^^ 

Richard  Rolle's  treatises  abound  in  similes  such  as  the  one  that 
just  as  the  lords  of  castles  send  help  to  the  besieged,  so  God 
sends  help  to  those  who  are  troubled  in  their  souls.  Opposite 
this  figure  the  word  "  exemplum  "^^  is  written  in  the  margin  of 
the  manuscript.  Similar  instances  are  frequent.^^  The  reli- 
gious treatise,  Jacob's  Well,  composed  during  the  first  quarter 
of  the  fifteenth  century,  has  the  same  marginal  note  "  exem- 
plum" or  "exemplum  bonum"  opposite  some  of  its  figures  of 
speech. ^^ 

These  instances  show  that  the  term  "  example  "  was  pretty 
generally  applied  to  figures  of  speech  and  analogies,  even  after 
the  exemplum  had  become  a  well-defined  form  in  religious  and 
didactic  literature.  It  is  quite  likely  that  some  writers  con- 
sidered any  illustration  whatever  an  exemplum.  Others,  per- 
haps  recognizing  a   distinction  between   an   example   and   an 

^^  Old  English  Homilies,  Second  Series,  57;  see  also  First  Series,  80. 

"  Ancren  Riwle,  z^T. 

'°  English  Metrical  Homilies,  22. 

"  Vices  and  Virtues,  38. 

^''Richard  Rolle  and  his  Followers,  II,  47. 

^^  Ihid.,  I,    134,    138,    143. 

''^Jacob's   Well,    178. 


exemplum,  may  have  carelessly  confused  the  two  at  times.^° 
There  is  strong  probability  that  in  the  great  majority  of  cases, 
the  word  "  example  "  when  used  with  reference  to  bestiary  pas- 
sages, figures  of  speech,  moralizations  and  analogies,  was  used 
in  the  general  sense  of  an  illustration  and  not  in  the  restricted 
sense  of  an  exemplum,-^  which  grew  up  in  the  Roman  Church 
as  a  distinct  species  of  illustration  based  upon  actual  or 
supposedly  actual  happenings. -- 

To  sum  up,  there  seems  to  be  warrant  for  limiting  the 
application  of  the  term  "exemplum"  inasmuch  as  (i)  the 
grounds  on  which  the  critics  agree,  (2)  the  great  body  of 
collections,  (3)  the  vast  number  of  instances  where  the  term 
is  obviously  used  in  a  technical  sense,  and  (4)  the  fundamental 
idea  of  basing  the  illustration  on  human  experience,  clearly 
indicate  that  the  essentials  of  an  exemplum  are:  (i)  a  brief 
narrative;  (2)  human  characters.  Fables,  since  they  were  fre- 
quently considered  as  exempla  by  mediaeval  collectors  and 
preachers,  cannot  be  ignored  in  the  following  study,  but  such 
illustrations  as  figures  of  speech,  analogies,  bestiary  and  lapi- 
dary passages,  will  receive  only  incidental  consideration. 

In  spite  of  the  elimination  of  kindred  forms,  it  has  already 
been  made  apparent  that  the  material  for  exempla  is  of  vast 
amount.  An  examination  of  the  field  shows  that  the  sources 
from  which  exempla  were  taken  may  be  divided  into  four 
classes :  ( i )  such  incidental  material  as  was  afforded  by  his- 
torical works,  secular  and  ecclesiastical ;  poems  and  prose 
fiction,  ancient  and  mediaeval ;  contemporary  events ;  incidents 
and  stories  brought  personally  to  the  attention  of  the  writer; 
(2)  collections  of  tales,  fables,  anecdotes,  and  saints'  lives,  not 

^  Such  a  confusion  would  account  for  the  fact  that  among  the  early 
collectors  from  the  sermons  of  Jacques  de  Vitry,  "  Sometimes  moral  re- 
flections, etc.,"  are  considered  exempla.     See  above,  p.  2. 

^  Cf.  the  word  "  character,"  and  the  term  "  characters  "  associated  with 
Hall,    Overbury    and    others. 

^  The  exemplum  was  established  by  Gregory  the  Great  on  the  ground  that 
to  acquaint  people  with  actual  experiences  of  men  was  often  more  efficacious 
than  to  employ  precept  only.  Jacques  de  Vitry,  the  Knight  of  La  Tour 
Landry  and  other  influential  writers,  considered  the  exemplum  in  the 
same  light.     See  below,  pp.  13,  14. 


originally  designed  to  serve  as  exempla  but  offering  plentiful 
and  convenient  matter  for  such ;  these  are  represented  respec- 
tively by  the  numerous  early  collections  of  Latin  stories, 
Aesopic  fable  collections,  the  historical  anecdotes  of  Valerius 
Maximus,  and  the  Legcnda  Aurea  of  Jacobus  de  Voragine; 
(3)  elaborate  moral  and  didactic  treatises  which  make  use  of  a 
large  number  of  exempla  in  illustration  of  the  points  discussed; 
to  this  class  belong  the  Dialogues  of  Gregory,  the  Disciplina 
Clericalis  of  Petrus  Alphonsus,  and  Jacob's  Well;  (4)  collec- 
tions especially  designed  for  the  use  of  preachers  and  moralists 
and  properly  designated  as  "  example-books " ;  of  this  class 
there  are  four  varieties :  (a)  collections  containing  exempla 
unclassified  and  without  accompanying  moralizations,  such  as 
the  early  compilations  from  the  sermons  of  Jacques  de  Vitry; 

(b)  collections  containing  exempla  classified  under  topics 
alphabetically  but  without  moralizations,  such  as  the  Alpha- 
betnm  Narrationum  formerly  ascribed  to  fitienne  de  Besangon ; 

(c)  collections  containing  exempla  moralized  but  not  classified, 
such  as  the  Gesta  Romanorwn;  (d)  collections  containing 
exempla  both  alphabetically  classified  and  moralized,  such  as 
the  Scala  Celi  of  Johannes  Junior. 

These  example-books,  although  differing  from  one  another 
in  the  number  and  length  of  the  tales,  show  great  similarity  in 
manner  and  matter.  This  is  accounted  for  by  the  substantial 
unity  of  purpose  on  the  part  of  the  collectors.  An  unelaborated 
outline  which  set  forth  the  moral  unmistakably  and  could  be 
developed  at  the  discretion  of  the  preacher  or  moralist  was 
considered  the  most  advantageous  form  for  exempla  in  the 
collections.  In  style,  therefore,  a  dead  level  prevails.  As  to 
subject-matter,  stories  concerning  good  and  bad  bishops,  monks, 
friars  and  hermits  preponderate ;  incidents  from  the  lives  of 
saints  are  next  in  general  favor ;  fables  constitute  the  third 
choice.  Copious  borrowing  from  a  few  well-known  early  store- 
houses, such  as  the  Vitae  Patrum,  Gregory's  Dialogues,  the 
Dialogus  Miraculorum  of  Caesar  of  Heisterbach,  the  Factorum 
et  Dictorum  memorabilium  of  Valerius  Maximus,  saints'  lives, 
and  Aesopic  fables,  naturally  resulted  in  much  repetition. 
Constant   copying   and    recopying   of    favorite    and    effective 


8 

stories  tended  to  preserve  the  similarity.  A  glance  at  the  notes 
of  any  well-edited  collection,  such  as  Professor  Crane's  Jacques 
de  Vitry,  will  indicate  what  a  large  number  of  tales  were 
repeated  again  and  again  in  European  collections.  Variant 
forms,  of  course,  abound,  and  as  new  material  of  a  literary  or 
historical  character  developed,  new  stories  were  added  here 
and  there;  but  the  old  favorites  and  the  same  general  tone  of 
the  collections  survived  through  the  entire  flourishing  period  of 
the  exemplum. 

This  vast  amount  of  diversified  material,  which  the  assiduity 
of  collectors  placed  at  the  disposal  of  moralists  and  preachers, 
afforded  tales  suitable  for  widely  varying  audiences  and  occa- 
sions. There  were  tales  for  the  serious  and  the  frivolous,  for 
the  sinful  and  the  godly,  for  the  churchman  and  the  layman. 
The  purposes  served  by  exempla  may  be  summed  up  as  follows : 
(i)  to  furnish  a  concrete  illustration  of  the  result  of  obeying 
or  disobeying  some  religious  or  moral  law;  (2)  to  give  proof 
or  confirmation  of  the  truth  of  an  assertion;  (3)  to  arouse  fear 
in  the  sinful  or  to  stimulate  the  zeal  of  the  godly;  (4)  to  make 
clear  the  meaning  of  some  abstruse  statement;  (5)  to  revive 
languid  listeners,  evoke  interest  or  laughter;  (6)  to  eke  out  a 
scant  sermon  by  "  farsing  "  it  with  tales.  The  last  two  of  these 
purposes  were  emphasized  by  men  like  Chaucer's  Pardoner,  who 
contributed  largely  to  bring  the  exemplum  into  disrepute. 
They  may  all  be  found  in  varying  proportion  in  sermons  and 
treatises  from  the  time  of  Gregory  the  Great  onward. 

Having  in  mind  the  nature  of  the  exemplum,  the  character 
of  the  sources,  and  the  purposes  served  by  the  type,  we  may 
proceed  to  a  brief  discussion  of  its  origin  and  development  in 
European  literature.  This  has  been  presented,  with  particular 
emphasis  on  collections,  by  T.  F.  Crane,-^  and  discussed  inci- 
dentally by  numerous  other  critics,  such  as  Warton,  Dunlop, 
Douce,  Wright,  Herrtage,  Furnivall,  Jacobs,  Ten  Brink, 
Goedke,  Cruel,  Horstmann,  Aubertin,  Gaston  Paris,  Lecoy  de 
la  Marche,  Heaureau,  Bourgain  and  Hervieux.^*    To  these  men 

**  T.  F.  Crane,  The  Exempla  of  Jacques  de  Vitry ;  see  introd. 
^  See  bibliography  at  the  close  of  this  study. 


9 

and  others  I  am  considerably  indebted  for  the  material  in  the 
following  section,  which  aims  to  afford  a  convenient  view  of  the 
rise  and  decline  of  the  exemplum. 

The  value  of  the  apologue,  the  concrete  illustration,  was  per- 
ceived by  the  greatest  of  teachers,  Christ.  His  use  of  the 
parable,  such  as  that  of  the  Sower,  the  Talents,  or  the  Prodigal 
Son,  was  his  favorite  means  of  instruction.  In  the  use  of 
apologues,  however,  Christ  was  not  an  originator,  inasmuch 
as  this  method  of  inculcating  morals  was  popular  in  the  East 
before  Christianity  was  ever  conceived.  Such  Eastern  collec- 
tions as  the  Book  of  Smdihad  {Seven  Sages),  the  Fables  of 
Bidpai  {Kalilah  and  Dimnah),  the  Bhagavan  Bodhisattvascha 
(Barlaam  and  Josaphat),  and  the  Vedabhha  Jataka  {Buddhist 
Birth  Stories),  show  that  the  illustrative  tale  must  have  been 
favored  by  the  moralists  of  antiquity. 

It  is  not  improbable  that  such  usage  arose  independently 
among  various  peoples.  That  it  should  be  imitated  after  prov- 
ing effective  was  altogether  natural.  "  Greece  and  India,"  says 
Joseph  Jacobs,  "  each  invented  separately  the  fable  as  a  means 
of  moral  or  political  instruction.  Similarly  Judea  and  India, 
each  probably  independently,  invented  the  parable  for  the  same 
purpose.  Both  the  Rabbis  and  the  Brahmins  found  that  the 
best  way  to  point  a  moral  was  to  adorn  a  tale.  Both  Jesus  and 
Buddha  adopted  the  method  of  their  rivals  for  the  purpose  of 
their  propaganda."-^ 

It  was  a  long  time  before  these  oriental  collections  were  intro- 
duced into  Europe.  In  fact,  the  earliest  known  western  compi- 
lation of  oriental  apologues,  the  Disciplina  Clericalis  of  Petrus 
Alphonsus,  was  not  made  until  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth 
century.-*^     Nor  was  the  method  of  teaching  by  apologues,^'^ 

^Barlaam    and    Josaphat,    introd.,    Iv-lvi. 

^  Cf.  T.  F.  Crane,  Mediaeval  Sermon-Books  and  Stories,  Anier.  Philo- 
sophical Society  Publications,  XXI,   50,   note. 

^  The  part  later  played  by  oriental  tales  is  emphasized  by  Gaston  Paris. 
"  D'ou  venaient  ces  contes,  repandus  dans  toute  I'Europe,  et  dont  plusieurs 
sont  populaires  encore  aujourd'hui?  La  plupart  avaient  une  origine  orien- 
tale  .  .  .  le  bouddhisme,  ami  des  examples  et  des  paraboles,  contribua  a 
faire  recueillir  des  contes  de  toutes  parts  et  en  fit  aussi  inventer  d'excel- 
lents."    La  Litterature  frangaise  au  Moyen  Age,  119. 


10 

which  had  been  effectively  used  by  the  Brahmins,  Nestorians, 
Rabbins,  and  finally  by  Christ,  extensively  adopted  by  the 
Christian  teachers  of  the  early  period.  This  fact  may,  perhaps, 
be  accounted  for  by  the  extreme  vogue  of  the  symbolical 
method,  the  explanation  of  Scripture  according  to  its  moral, 
historical  or  spiritual  significance.-^  The  sermons  of  Augus- 
tine, Jerome,  and  Gregory  the  Great  are  replete  with  exegesis 
of  this  kind,  and  their  influence  in  this  respect  is  one  of  the 
remarkable  features  of  mediaeval  literature.-**  The  last  of  these 
men  did,  however,  recognize  the  value  of  the  narrative  illustra- 
tion, and  established  in  homiletic  literature  the  formal  exem- 
plum,  which  was  evolved  from  the  Eastern  apologue  and 
parable.  Thirteen  exempla,  dealing  almost  exclusively  with 
incidents  concerning  clerics,  are  to  be  found  in  Gregory's  forty 
Homiliae  in  Evangelia,^^  which  are  of  a  comparatively  popular 
nature.  Eight  of  the  tales  are  taken  from  Gregory's  own  com- 
pilation, the  Dialogucs.^'^  Besides  the  fully  developed  exempla, 
there  are  in  these  homilies  many  brief  references  used  to  con- 
firm or  illustrate  doctrine. 

Gregory's  belief  in  the  ef^cacy  of  exempla  is  evinced  not 
only  by  his  employment  of  them,  but  by  commendatory  state- 
ments. In  one  place  he  says,  "  Sed  quia  nonnunquam  mentes 
audientium  plus  exempla  fidelium  quam  docentium  verba  con- 
vertunt,  volo  vobis  aliquid  de  proximo  dicere,  quod  corda 
vestra  tanto  formidolosius  audiant,  quanto  eis  hoc  de  propinquo 

^ "  The  allegorical  interpretation,  first  introduced  by  Philo  as  a  means 
to  reconcile  the  Mosaic  revelation  with  the  Greek  philosophy,  was  adopted 
by  the  Alexandrian  theologians  as  the  highest  principle  of  Biblical  exegesis, 
and  through  St.  Augustine  transplanted  to  the  Western  Church.  In  the 
Middle  Ages  four  senses  were  found  in  Scripture :  historical,  allegorical, 
moral,  and  anagogical ;  e.  g. :  Jerusalem  is  literally  the  city  so  named, 
allegorically  the  Church,  morally  the  believing  soul,  anagogically  the  heav- 
enly Jerusalem."  See  Horstmann,  Richard  Rolle  of  Hanipole,  I,  introd., 
ix;  see  also  Harnack,  Hist,  of  Dogma,  I,  114  seq. 

*"  In  the  writings  of  the  great  Fathers  of  the  Latin  Church  "  are  to  be 
found  those  myriad  mystical  allegorical  interpretations  of  Scripture  which 
were  to  dominate  the  literature  and  inspire  the  art  of  the  Middle  Ages." 
H.   O.  Taylor,   The  Classical  Heritage,   104. 

^Edited  by  Migne,  Patrologia  Latino,  LXXVI. 

»•  Edited  by  Migne,  Patr.  Lat.,  LXXVII. 


11 

sonat."^^  Again  he  states  that  "  ad  amorem  Dei  et  proximi 
plerumque  corda  audientium  plus  exempla  quam  verba 
excitant."^^  These  statements  were  employed  later  by  a 
number  of  men  who  quote  from  Gregory  to  justify  the 
method.^*  Furthermore,  Gregory  gave  still  greater  encourage- 
ment to  the  use  of  the  type  by  his  compilation  of  the  Dialogues, 
already  mentioned.  This  work,  as  may  be  remembered,  con- 
sists of  a  conversation  between  Gregory  and  his  deacon  Peter. 
The  former  tells  tales,  after  which  the  latter  asks  questions 
in  such  a  way  as  to  bring  out  the  moral  points  involved  and 
lead  to  other  tales.  The  first  section  relates  incidents  from  the 
lives  of  Constantine,  Boniface,  Fortunatus,  Severus  and 
others ;  the  second  deals  with  Saint  Benedict ;  the  third  and 
fourth  narrate  wonders  concerning  various  holy  men.  The 
book  was  probably  composed  in  emulation  of  the  Vitae  Patrum, 
with  the  idea  of  comparing  the  miracles  of  the  Latin  hermits 
with  those  of  the  Egyptians.^^  In  the  prologue,  Gregory 
states  that  the  narratives  were  principally  intended  to  lead 
men  to  better  lives ;  for  this  purpose,  exempla  were,  in  his 
opinion,  often  more  efficacious  than  ordinary  exposition  of 
Scripture :  "  Sunt  nonnulli,  quos  ad  amorem  patriae  coelestis 
plus  exempla,  quam  praedicamenta  succendunt."^*'  The  influ- 
ence of  the  Dialogues  on  the  later  development  of  exempla  can 
hardly  be  overestimated,  inasmuch  as  nearly  every  important 
collector  after  Gregory  drew  copiously  from  it.  In  three  ways, 
therefore,  this  great  churchman  encouraged  the  use  of 
exempla :  by  employing  them  in  his  homilies ;  by  recommending 
their  efficacy ;  and  by  writing  a  treatise  which  was,  to  all  intents 
and  purposes,  a  collection  of  exempla. 

^  Homiliae,  Patr.  Lat.,  LXXVI,  1290.  Professor  Crane  points  out  that 
Gregory  here  refers  to  the  examples  of  men  themselves,  but  the  fact  that 
the  homilist  says  that  he  therefore  wishes  to  tell  of  a  recent  happening 
would  seem  to  indicate  that  the  exemplum  was  not  far  from  his  mind. 
This  is  one  of  the  passages  frequently  cited  by  later  users  of  exempla. 
See    Crane,    /.    de    V.,    introd.,    xviii. 

^Homiliae,  Patr.  Lat.,  LXXVI,   1300. 

®*  Jacques  de  Vitry ;  £tienne  de  Bourbon  ;  the  author  of  the  Alphabetum 
Narrationum  (Arnold  of  Liege?);  the  author  of  the  anonymous  Speculum 
Exemplorum. 

'"  Gaston   Paris,  La  Littcratiire  frangaise,  232. 

^"Dialogues,  Migne,  Patr.  Lat.,  LXXVII,  153. 


12 

Gregory's  encouragement  did  not,  however,  result  in  much 
employment  of  the  type.^^  Not  until  about  the  time  of  the 
preaching  friars  did  it  become  a  marked  feature  in  European 
sermons.  Still,  as  will  be  seen  later,  exempla  circulated  in 
Latin  among  the  churchmen  before  being  extensively  used  in 
popular  discourses. ^^  Some  anecdotes  and  legends  appear  in 
French  sermons  of  the  twelfth  century,^**  and  they  were  not 
altogether  wanting  in  contemporary  German  preaching.*''  But 
in  the  main,  the  evidence  leads  to  the  conclusion  that  the  exem- 
plum  was  comparatively  little  employed  before  the  opening  of 
the  thirteenth  century.  Wright  says,  "  The  preachers  of  the 
thirteenth,  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries,  attempted  to  illus- 
trate their  texts  and  to  inculcate  their  doctrines,  by  fables  and 
stories."*^  Gaston  Paris  notes  that  stories  were  inserted  in 
sermons  after  the  twelfth  century.*-  Aubertin,  speaking  of 
the  fourteenth  century,  says  that  then,  as  in  the  thirteenth, 
there  was  "  emploi  frequent  des  exemples,  recommande  par  les 
rhetoriques  sacrees  et  justifie  par  des  succes  eclatants."*^  Paul 
Meyer  states  that  either  exempla  were  not  of  frequent  occur- 
rence up  to  the  thirteenth  century,  or  that  the  sermons  of  a 
popular  character  where  they  would  naturally  be  found,  have 
not  been  preserved.**  Lecoy  de  la  Marche,  who  has  made  a 
particularly  careful  study  of  French  sermons,  says,  "  Les  exem- 
ples proprement  dits  sont  rares  avant  le  XIIP  siecle."*^  The 
above  statements  seem  to  show  pretty  conclusively  that 
previous  to  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century,  the  use  of 
exempla  was  slight. 

^'  Crane,  /.   de   V.,  introd.,  xviii. 

^  Cf.  M.  B.  Heaureau,  "  Les  Recits  d' Apparitions,"  printed  in  Memoires 
de  I'Institut  national  de  France,  XXVIII,  Pt.  II,  261. 

"°  See    Bourgain,    La    Chaire   frangaise    au    Xlle    Steele,    258    seq. 

*"  See  R.  Cruel,  Geschichte  der  deutschen  Predigt  im  Mittelalter,  Chap. 
III. 

"  Latin  Stories,  introd.,  vi. 

"La  Litter ature  frangaise,  120. 

*^  Histoire  de  la  Langue  et  de  la  Litterafure  frangaises  au  Moyen  Age,  II, 
358. 

**  Les  Contes  Moralizes,  introd.,  xi. 

*'  La  Chaire  frangaise,  299. 


13 

From  the  time  of  Cardinal  Jacques  de  Vitry  and  the  preach- 
ing friars,  the  exemplum  rapidly  became  a  prominent  element 
of  sermons.  This  was  due  largely  to  the  fact  that  these  men 
began  an  appeal  to  the  masses.  For  this  purpose,  cold,  pedantic 
arguments  and  scholastic  subtleties  were  futile;*^  the  people 
must  be  interested.  The  far-sighted  and  influential  churchman, 
Jacques  de  Vitry,  like  the  Franciscans  and  Dominicans, 
realized  the  necessity  and  stated  it  clearly.  In  the  prologue  to 
his  Sermones  Vulgares  he  says  that  the  keen  sword  of  subtle 
argumentation  has  no  power  over  laymen;  that  to  the  knowl- 
edge of  the  Scriptures,  without  which  one  cannot  take  a  step, 
must  be  added  exempla  which  are  encouraging,  amusing,  and 
yet  edifying.*^  Other  men  who  collected  or  used  illustrative 
material  stated  their  approval  of  the  exemplum  as  an  effective 
factor  in  discourse.  Some  of  the  more  important  of  these  may 
be  cited  here. 

Odo  de  Ceritona,  who  flourished  in  England  during  the  last 
quarter  of  the  twelfth  century,  wrote  in  the  prologue  to  his 
Paraholae,  "  Et  quoniam,  ut  dicit  Gregorius,  plus  quandoque 
compungunt  exempla  quam  verba,  aperiam  in  parabolis  os 
meum,  et  similitudines  et  exempla  que  libencius  audiuntur, 
memorie  firmius  quam  verba  commendantur,  proponam,  quibus 
intellectis  sapiens  sapiencior  erit."*^ 

fitienne  de  Bourbon  in  the  prologue  to  his  Tractatus  de 
diversis  materiis  praedicabilibus  states  that  his  object  is  to  stir 
men  to  eschew  vain  worldly  delights  and  to  seek  eternal  good ; 
he  then  adds  a  recommendation  of  exempla,  citing  Gregory, 
Christ  and  Dionysius  in  support  of  his  views.*"  The  prologue 
closes  with  another  authoritative  commendation  of  exempla 

^'Caesar  of  Heisterbach  in  his  Dialogus  Miraculorum  says,  "When  I 
speak  of  God  you  sleep,  but  to  listen  to  fables  you  rouse  yourselves."  See 
Histoire  litteraire  de  la  France,  XXIV,  381. 

*''  See  Crane,  /.  de  V.,  introd,,  xli-xlii,  note. 

**  See  Hervieux,  Les  Fabulistes  Latins,  IV,  175.  Earlier  in  the  pro- 
logue Odo  says,  "  Paterfamilias  debet  proferre  de  thesauro  suo  nova  et 
Vetera  verba  et  exempla,  quibus  reficiatur  fidelis  anima." 

"  See  Lecoy  de  la  Marche,  Anecdotes  historiques,  4. 


14 

taken  from  the  thirteenth  century  Life  of  St.  Dominic  by 
Bishop  Constantin  of  Orvieto.^*^ 

The  author  of  the  Alphabetum  Narrationum,  formerly 
ascribed  to  fitienne  de  Besangon,  cites  in  his  prologue  the 
authority  of  Gregory  and  St.  Dominic  and  adds  at  considerable 
length  his  own  recommendation  of  exempla  as  a  means  of 
instilling  morality.  "  Narrationes  quidem  hujus  (modi)  et 
exempla  facilius  intellectu  capiuntur,  et  memoriae  firmius 
imprimuntur,   et  a  multis   libentius   audiuntur."^^ 

At  a  later  period  the  Knight  of  La  Tour  Landry,  among 
others,  is  a  firm  believer  in  the  moral  benefits  of  exempla.  In 
the  introduction  to  his  book  of  stories  compiled  for  the  instruc- 
tion of  his  daughters,  he  says  that  the  work  was  done  "  affin 
cjue  elles  peussent  aprendre  et  estudier,  et  veoir  et  le  bien  et  la 
mal  qui  passe  est,  pour  elles  garder  de  cellui  temps  qui  a  venir 
est."^-  Other  references  might  be  added  to  show  that  the 
collectors  felt  that  they  were  greatly  advancing  the  cause  of 
religion  and  morality  by  their  work.'^^ 

Both  collectors  and  preachers  were  encouraged  by  the  writers 
of  treatises  on  the  art  of  preaching,  to  gather  and  employ 
exempla.  A  few  cases  in  point  may  be  mentioned.  Alanus  de 
Insulis,  who  died  about  1203,  advises  in  his  Summa  de  Arte 
Praedicatoria  that  authorities  should  be  cited,  quotations  in- 
serted, also  "  verba  commotiva,  quae  mentes  emolliant,  et 
lacrymas  pariant."  He  then  adds,  "  In  fine  vero,  debet  uti 
exemplis,    ad   probandum    quod   intendit,    quis    familiaris    est 

^  "  '  Ubicunque  conversabatur  beatus  Dominicus,  sive  in  via  cum  sociis,  aut 
in  domo  cum  hospite  reliquaque  familia,  aut  inter  magnates  et  principes  vel 
prelatos,  semper  effluebat  edificatoriis  sermonibus,  habundabat  exemplis, 
quibus  ad  amorem  Christi  seculive  contemptum  audiencium  animos  invit- 
abat ;  et  vix  ipsa  communis  ejus  locucio  a  virtutis  pondere  vacua  erat.'  " 
Anecdotes  historiques,  13;  for  corrected  form  of  the  passage,  see  editor's 
note,    ibid.,    14. 

"  See  Hist.  lift,  de  la  France,  XX,  27s-  An  early  English  translation 
of  Alphabetum,  entitled  An  Alphabet  of  Tales,  is  in  process  of  edition  by 
Mrs.  M.  M.  Banks  for  the  E.  E.  T.  S.  Under  the  heading  "  Exemplum," 
the  compiler  gives  further  evidence  of  the  efficacy  of  tales ;  see  Alphabet, 
Pt.  I,  217. 

^  La  Tour  Landry,  Le  Livre,  3-4. 

"'  See  Crane,  /.  de   V.,  introd.,  xx-xxi. 


15 

doctrina  exemplaris."^*  An  anonymous  work  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  entitled  De  Dilatione  Sermoniim,  points  out  the  various 
steps  by  which  a  sermon  should  be  developed.  The  third  step 
is  the  reasoning  or  argumentation,  which  may  consist  in  bring- 
ing forth  two  contrary  propositions  with  the  idea  of  rejecting 
one  of  them  ;  in  linking  enthymemes ;  or  in  narrating  exempla.^^ 
Humbert  de  Romans,  who  in  the  latter  part  of  the  thirteenth 
century  had  considerable  influence  over  the  Dominicans  and 
Franciscans,  also  recommended  the  use  of  exempla,  in  his  De 
Eruditione  Pracdicantium.''^  These  citations  may  suffice  to 
indicate  that  from  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century  the 
use  of  exempla  was  advocated  by  instructors  in  theology. 

The  vogue  of  exempla  spread  rapidly  all  over  western 
Europe.  In  France,  Germany,  Italy,  Spain  and  England,  were 
produced  a  number  of  sermon  collections,  usually  entitled 
"  Sermones  de  tempore  et  de  Sanctis,"  in  which  exempla  were 
employed.  Often  the  collector  added  an  appendix  consisting 
of  tales,  which  was  known  as  a  "  prom^tuarium."  The  sources 
of  the  tales  in  these  collections  were  widespread  and  various, 
but  those  most  frequently  quoted  were  the  Vitae  Patrum,  the 
Dialogues  of  Gregory,  the  Dialogus  Miraculorum  of  Caesar  of 
Heisterbach,  the  Factorum  et  Dictorum  memorabilium  of 
Valerius  Maximus,  and  saints'  lives. 

The  immediate  success  of  exempla  in  the  popular  sermons  of 
the  preaching  friars,  gave  rise  to  a  large  demand  for  more 
example-books.  They  were  soon  produced  in  large  numbers. 
The  more  important  works,  such  as  those  of  Jacques  de  Vitry, 
fitienne  de  Bourbon,  Vincent  de  Beauvais,  and  the  author  of 
the  Alphabetum  Exemplorwn,  were  scattered  over  Europe  in 
copies  and  excerpts,  and  new  compilations  were  made.  The 
•standard  sources  continued  to  furnish  the  most  favored  stories, 
many  of  which  became  so  familiar  that  often  only  a  few  open- 
ing words  of  them  were  given  in  the  collections.  Up  to  the 
middle  of  the  fourteenth  century,  collections  had  appeared  in 
which  the  tales  were  accompanied  by  moralizations ;  also  those 

^  Sitmma,  Migne,  Patr.  Lot.,  CCX,   114. 
^°  La  Chaire  frangaise,  296. 
^"Ibid.,  301. 


16 

in  which  the  tales  were  alphabetically  arranged.  About  the 
middle  of  the  century,  a  writer  styling  himself  "  Frater 
Johannes  Junior,  ordinis  fratrum  predicatorium,"  compiled  a 
work  called  the  Scala  Cell  in  which  there  were  both  alpha- 
betical arrangement  of  the  stories  under  topical  headings,  and 
frequent  moralizations  of  the  tales.  The  plan  of  this  book 
represents  the  final  stage  in  the  development  of  example-books. 
The  work  of  the  preacher  was  reduced  to  a  minimum. 

The  ease  with  which  sermons  could  be  prepared  by  employing 
these  plentifully  distributed  tales,  and  the  satisfaction  of  the 
great  mass  of  auditors  in  hearing  them,  resulted  in  excessive 
use  of  the  type.  There  was,  moreover,  a  marked  tendency  in 
favor  of  indelicate  and  even  vicious  narratives.^^  As  a  con- 
sequence, opposition  to  exempla  was  aroused  and  by  the  time 
of  Dante  became  outspoken.  The  great  Florentine  expressed 
in  his  Paradiso  a  feeling  of  strong  resentment  at  the  excessive 
use  of  tales  and  fables  in  the  sermons  of  his  day. 

"...  e'en  they  whose  office  is 
To  preach  the  gospel,   let  the  gospel   sleep, 
And    pass    their    own    inventions    off    instead. 
One   tells    how   at    Christ's    suffering    the    wan    moon 
Bent  back  her  steps,   and   shadow'd   o'er   the  sun 
With  intervenient  disk,  as  she  withdrew ; 
Another,  how  the  light  shrouded  itself 
Within  its  tabernacle,  and  left  dark 
The  Spaniard  and  the  Indian,  with  the  Jew. 
Such  fables  Florence  in  her  pulpit  hears. 
Bandied  about  more  frequent  than  the  names 
Of  Bindi  and  of  Lapi  in  her  streets. 


The  preacher  now  provides  himself  with   store 
Of  jests  and  jibes ;  and,  so  there  be  no  lack 
Of    laughter,    while    he    vents    them    his    big    cowl 
Distends,   and  he  has  won  the  meed  he  sought.'"* 

Similar  objection  to  the  use  of  tales  and  fables  in  sermons 
was  not  uncommon.  Professor  Schofield  calls  attention  to  the 
words  of  the  thirteenth  century  French  preacher,  Gautier  de 

"  "  The  most  scandalous  tales  were  not  considered  out  of  place  by  the 
preachers    of    the    thirteenth    century."     Robinson,    Petrarch,    92-93. 

^  Paradiso,  Canto  XXIX,  11.  99  seq.,  Cary's  translation. 


17 

Chateau-Thierry,  relative  to  John's  sending  the  disciples  to 
Christ :  " '  Audiebat  verba  oris  eius,  non  opera  regum,  vel 
Renardi,  vel  fabulas.'  "^^  In  England,  as  in  Italy  and  France, 
we  find  the  same  criticism.  Perhaps  the  most  vigorous  oppo- 
nent of  story-telling  in  the  pulpit  was  John  Wyclifife,  whose 
sermons  and  tracts  contain  numerous  passages  directed  against 
the  employment  of  narratives.  For  example,  in  the  tract  "  Of 
the  Leaven  of  Pharisees,"  written  about  1381,  he  deplores  the 
fact  that  the  friars  "  maken  hem  besi  on  pe  holy  day  to  preche 
fablis  and  lesyngis  to  ]>e  peple  and  not  ]?e  gospel,  and  gon  fro 
place  to  place  and  fro  man  to  man  to  begge  of  pore  men  for 
here  false  lesyngis,  and  letten  men  fro  here  devocioun."*'" 
Again,  he  says,  "  pe'i  techen  opynly  fablys,  cronyklis  and 
lesyngis  and  leven  cristis  gospel  and  \>e  maundementis  of 
god."*'^  In  another  place  he  states  that  these  friars  "  han 
disceyved  cristendom  J^is  hundred  ^eer  &  more  bi  ypocrisie  & 
false  prechynge  of  fablis  &  errouris  &  heresies."''^  jjj  |.j^g  ^^.^^^ 
"Of  Prelates"  Wyclifife  states  that  "pe'i  senden  oJ?ere  >at 
tellen  lesyngis,  fablis,  &  cronyclis,  &  robben  pe  peple  bi  fals 
beggyngis."^^  Similar  references  from  the  work  of  Wycliffe 
and  his  followers  might  be  multiplied,  in  which  "  iapis," 
"  gabbyngis,"  "  lesyngis,"  "  cronyclis,"  "  fablis,"  "  tradicions," 
and  "poisies"  are  decried.®*  At  a  later  period  we  find  that 
criticism  of  the  use  of  exempla  is  still  alive.  For  instance, 
Erasmus  in  his  Concionator  deprecates  the  exemplum  f^  and  as 
Douce  points  out,  ridicules  in  his  Stultitiae  Laus,  the  story- 

"  W.  H.  Schofield,  English  Literature  from  the  Norman  Conquest  to 
Chaucer,  342, 

"0  The  English  Works  of  Wycliffe,  8. 

'^  Ibid.,  i6;  see  also  p.  lo. 

^^Ihid.,  26. 

^Ibid.,    59. 

^Ibid.,  los,  124,  144,  153,  30S-6,  310,  347,  438,  442,  468,  469. 

"  Ecclesiastae  sive  de  ratione  concionandi,  529.  "  Ab  exemplis  fabulosis, 
quamquam  et  his  ratione  quadam  utuntur  oratores,  ecclesiastae  in  totum 
abstinendum  censeo,  duntaxat  apud  promiscuam  multitudinem.  Video  qui- 
dem  fuisse  morem  nostra  memoria,  ut  concionatores  narrationibus  qui- 
busdam  uterentur  sub  rationis  finem,  quae  videri  poterant  studio  confictae 
ad  terrorem  incutiendum  rudibus  et  obduratis,  aut  ut  rem  alioqui  frugi- 
feram   persuaderent." 

3 


18 

telling  theologians.*'*'  Along  with  these  individual  outcries 
against  the  use  of  tales,  more  formidable  opposition  had  ap- 
peared: the  Church  Councils  had  joined  issue  with  exempla. 

The  action  of  the  Councils  was  not  taken,  apparently,  until 
the  Catholic  Reaction  had  set  in  and  it  had  long  been  felt  that 
exempla  were  exercising  a  pernicious  influence.  Toward  the 
close  of  the  fourteenth  century  a  strong  official  sentiment 
against  the  type  existed,  though  actual  prohibition  was  yet 
deferred.  In  the  Council  of  Salzburg  (1386)  it  was  maintained 
that  " '  These  false  prophets  [the  wandering  friars]  by  their 
sermons  full  of  fables  often  lead  astray  the  souls  of  their 
hearers.'  "*'^  More  definite  action  was  taken  considerably  later. 
At  the  Council  of  Sens  (1528),  the  first  Council  of  Milan 
(1565),  and  the  Council  of  Burgos  (1624),  measures  were 
finally  enacted  to  exclude  the  objectionable  narratives."^  The 
exemplum  at  this  time  had  passed  through  its  flourishing 
period,  but  still  the  Councils  were  unable  to  make  their  rulings 
immediately  effective. 

The  number  of  collections  compiled,  however,  is  compara- 
tively small  after  the  fifteenth  century.  A  few  voluminous 
works  belong  to  the  latter  half  of  the  sixteenth  and  the  opening 
of  the  seventeenth  centuries.  In  1555,  John  Herold,  a  scholar 
and  editor  of  Basel,  published  his  great  three-volume  collection 
entitled  Exempla  virtntum  et  vitiorum,  atque  etiam  aliarum 
rerum  maxime  memorabilinm,  future  lectori  supra  modum 
magnus  thesaurus.    A  similar  work,  the  Proinptuariuni  Exeni- 

^^  Douce,  Illustrations  of  Shakspere,  II,  343.  The  passage  referred  to, 
runs  as  follows :  "  Hie  mihi  stultam  aliquam  et  indoctam  fabulam,  ex  spec- 
ulo  opinor  historiali,  aut  Gestis  Romanorum,  in  medium  adferunt,  et  eandem 
interpretantur  allegorice,  tropologice,  et  anagogice."  Stultitiae  Laus,  261. 
Douce  further  states  (p.  343)  that  the  Italians  had  not  entirely  ceased 
using  exempla  even  in  the  eighteenth  century.  "  Grossley,"  he  continues, 
"  states  that  he  heard  a  buffoon  preacher  at  Rome  who  stuffed  his  dis- 
course with  a  thousand  tales,  among  which  was  that  of  Father  Philip's 
geese,  from  Boccaccio."  Barclay  in  The  Ship  of  Fools  says  that  priests 
and  clerks  who  tell  gestes  of  Robin  Hood  in  the  pulpit  are  doubtless 
fools  before  God,  if  not  before  man.  Cf.  Snell,  Age  of  Transition,  I, 
127-28. 

"  See  J.  J.  Jusserand,  English  Wayfaring  Life,  303. 

*'  See  Crane,  /.  de   V.,   introd.,   Ixix-lxx. 


19 

plorum  of  Andreas  Hondorrf,  a  German  Lutheran  minister, 
was  published  in  1580.  In  1603,  Johannes  Major,  a  Jesuit  of 
Douay,  revised  and  added  to  the  enormous  anonymous  collec- 
tion called  the  Speculum  Exemploriim.^^  Other  collections, 
such  as  the  Excmpla  virtutum  et  mtiorum  of  Giovanni  Vittoria 
Rossi,  are  even  later.  But  the  Reformation  had  brought 
exempla  into  general  disrepute  and  they  had  long  since  become 
associated  with  facetiae,  jests  and  secular  tales. 

"  An  edition  of  this  revision,  the  Magnum  Speculum  Exemplorum,  as  late 
as  1 718  is  noted.     Crane,  /.  de  V.,  introd.,  Ixxv. 


CHAPTER  II 

The  Exemplum  in  English  before  the  Coming 
OF  the  Friars 

The  remarkable  and  sudden  popularity  of  exempla  in  western 
Europe  from  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century  has  over- 
shadowed the  earlier  appearance  of  the  type,  especially  in 
English  literature.^  Its  employment  here  was,  indeed,  rela- 
tively small,  and  does  not  seem  to  continue  in  unbroken  connec- 
tion with  the  later  period.  But  as  may  be  inferred  from  the 
preceding  chapter,  the  exemplum,  owing  to  its  detachment  and 
simplicity,  might  easily  be  in  vogue  for  a  time,  fall  into  disuse, 
and  be  revived  without  changing  its  essential  form.  It  is  not 
surprising  that  the  use  of  the  type  in  the  early  period  dies  out 
and  leaves  little  trace  upon  English  literature.  The  exemplum 
in  Old  English  is,  nevertheless,  worthy  of  consideration. 

It  is  interesting  to  find  that  it  makes  its  first  appearance  in 
England  through  Gregory  the  Great,  who  by  precept,  by  the 
compilation  of  the  Dialogues,  and  by  a  more  or  less  systematic 
employment  in  his  homilies,  stood  as  a  sponsor  for  the  type. 
His  Pastoral  Care,  translated  by  Alfred  and  sent  "  to  every 
bishopric  in  my  kingdom,"  marks  the  beginning  of  the  use 
of  exempla  in  English  literature.  The  illustrations  in  this 
work  are  very  different  in  subject-matter  from  the  monkish 
tales  which  are  usually  thought  of  in  connection  with  the  term 
"  exempla."  They  lack,  moreover,  the  detachment,  stock  intro- 
ductions and  conclusions,  and  position  at  the  close  of  sections, 
characteristic  of  the  type  at  a  later  period.  Still,  they  are 
narrative  passages  used  consciously  to  illustrate  the  doctrines 
of  the  text.  In  a  few  cases  the  incidents  are  introduced  by 
statements  which  suggest  that  they  were  more  or  less  clearly 
recognized  as  exempla.     For  instance,  the  account  of  David 

*  The  subject  has  been  briefly  touched  upon  by  H.  S.  Canby  in  The 
Short  Story  in  England,  pp.  24  seq. 

20 


21 

cutting  a  piece  from  Saul's  cloak  instead  of  killing  him,  begins, 
"Ac  gif  we  nu  onginna]?  reccean  ongemong  j^isum  ymbe 
Davides  dasda  sume,  ]7onne  magon  we  ]?is  spell  ]?y  openlicor 
gereccean."-  The  introduction  to  the  episode  of  Abner  and 
Asahel  runs,  "  pset  we  magon  openlicor  gecy]7an,  gif  we 
Abneres  dasda  sume  herongemong  ssecgea}?,  hu  Assael  hiene 
unwserlice  mid  anwalde  J^reatode,  &  him  oferfylgde."^  In 
another  place  the  writer,  referring  to  the  devil's  use  of  flattery 
to  soothe  a  disconsolate  sinner,  says,  "  paet  wses  mid  pxre 
biesene  getacnod  ]>e  Dinan  gedon  wass  lacobes  dohtor,"  after 
which  the  incident  is  given  at  some  length.* 

The  exempla  in  the  Pastoral  Care  are  all  taken  from  the  Old 
Testament  and  consist  largely  of  episodes  from  the  lives  of 
David,  Nebuchadnezzar,  Jeremiah,  Isaiah,  Hezekiah  and 
Balaam.  They  are  usually  limited  to  four  or  five  lines  and  are 
scattered  promiscuously  through  the  sections,  sometimes  occur- 
ring in  groups  of  two  or  three.  In  many  cases  the  exemplum 
is  followed  by  a  signification  or  "betokening"  of  its  main 
features,  with  the  aim  of  emphasizing  its  application  to  the 
point  illustrated.  Thus,  after  the  tale  of  David  soothing  Saul 
by  music,  used  to  exemplify  the  effectiveness  of  dealing  gently 
with  the  rich  and  proud,  Saul's  madness  is  said  to  signify  the 
pride  of  the  rich,  and  David,  the  humble  life  of  holy  men.^  The 
fact  that  the  narratives  are  all  Biblical,  and  involve  little  or  no 
originality  on  the  part  of  the  translator,  renders  further  treat- 
ment unnecessary.  They  warrant  attention  simply  as  marking 
the  first  use  of  the  type  in  our  literature. 

Alfred's  translation  of  the  Consolation  of  Philosophy  is  of 
greater  importance  for  our  study.  Not  only  did  this  work 
have  a  more  widespread  influence,**  but  whereas  the  translator 
kept  closely  to  the  text  of  the  Cnra  Pastoralis,  he  exercised 

^  King  Alfred's  West  Saxon  Version  of  Gregory's  Pastoral  Care,  196. 

*  Ibid.,  294. 

*  Ibid.,  415. 
'^Ibid.,   183-4- 

" "  Its  influence  and  popularity,  indeed,  as  a  book  of  practical  piety,  can 
only  be  compared  with  the  later  Imitation  of  Christ,  and  the  earlier  Cicero's 
De  Officiis.  Hundreds  of  manuscripts  are  still  to  be  found  in  dozens  of 
libraries."    W.  J.  Sedgefield,  King  Alfred's  Version  of  Boethius,  introd.,  xvi. 


22 

considerable  freedom  and  originality  in  handling  the  text  of 
Boethius.  Since  the  Consolation  was  written  not  merely  for 
the  churchman,  as  was  the  Pastoral  Care,  but  for  the  layman  as 
well,  the  presence  of  more  popular  illustrations  is  not  surpris- 
ing. There  are  fourteen  exempla,  all  taken  from  history  or 
mythology,  and  ranging  from  a  reference  of  two  or  three  lines, 
to  complete  stories,  such  that  of  Orpheus  and  Eurydice,  or 
Ulysses  and  Circe.  Alfred  utilized  all  but  one  of  these, — that 
narrating  the  heroic  trials  of  Odysseus,  Alcides,  and  others. 
This  exemplum,  which  occupies  thirty-five  lines  in  Boethius,'^ 
is  represented  in  Alfred's  version  by  a  general  exhortation  to 
follow  the  examples  of  good  and  brave  men.^ 

In  spite  of  this  obvious  endorsement  of  exempla,  Alfred 
takes  occasion  to  add  to  a  mild  apology  for  their  appearance, 
which  he  found  in  Boethius.  Just  before  the  tale  of  Orpheus 
and  Eurydice  in  the  original,  Philosophia  says  to  Anima, 
"  Quod  si  rationes  quoque  non  extra  petitas  sed  intra  rei  quam 
tractabamus  ambitum  collocatas  agitavimus,  nihil  est  quod 
ammirere,  cum  Platone  sanciente  didiceris  cognatos  de  quibus 
loquuntur  rebus  oportere  esse  sermones."^  Alfred  translates 
the  passage  as  follows :  "  peah  we  nu  scylen  manega  &  mislica 
bisna  &  bispell  reccan,  ]peah  hanga]?  ure  mod  ealne  weg  on  J^sem 
]?e  we  sefterspyriajj.  Ne  fo  we  no  on  >>a  bisna  &  on  ]7a  bispel 
for  ]?ara  leasena  spella  lufan,  ac  forj^semj^e  we  woldon  mid 
gebecnan  ]7a  so]?fsestnesse,  &  woldon  ]?3et  hit  wurde  to  nytte 
Jjam  geherendum.  Ic  gemunde  nu  ryhte  J^ses  wisan  Platones 
lara  suma,  hu  he  cwaej?  ]?set  se  mon  se  )?e  bispell  secgan 
wolde,  ne  sceolde  fon  on  to  ungelic  bispell  J^sere  spraece  J?e  he 
]7onne  sprecan  wolde."^''  Alfred's  use  in  the  foregoing  passage 
of  the  words  "  bisen  "  and  "  bispell  "  for  Boethius'  more  general 
term  "  rationes  "  is  to  be  noted ;  also  the  addition  explaining 
that  he  does  not  use  exempla  for  the  love  of  the  stories  but 
because  they  help  to  make  clear  the  truth. 

Whether  or  not  Alfred  enjoyed  the  narratives,  his  belief  in 

''  Philosophiae  Consolationis,  ed.  Peiper,    1 18-19-20. 
'King  Alfred's  Old  English   Version  of  Boethius,   139. 
°  Philosophiae    Consolationis,   ed.    cit.,    85. 
^^  King  Alfred's  Old  English  Version  of  Boethius,  loi. 


23 

their  helpfulness  is  attested  by  his  treatment  of  the  original. 
Almost  every  narrative  is  expanded;  in  some  cases,  like  that 
of  Orpheus  and  Eurydice,  doubled  in  length.  He  is  always 
careful  at  the  end  of  the  exemplum  to  recall  the  moral  which 
has  been  illustrated.  In  this  also,  he  departs  from  his  source 
at  times.  The  tales  are  all  told  in  a  simple,  naive  manner,  with 
earnest  desire  to  appeal  to  his  readers.  The  following  passages 
will  serve  to  illustrate  the  charming  simplicity  of  Alfred's  nar- 
ratives as  well  as  other  points  of  difference  in  treatment.  In 
the  Latin,  Anima  has  asked  Philosophia  to  clear  up  a  certain 
point,  at  which  Philosophia  replies  that  as  soon  as  one  doubt 
is  settled  others  spring  up.  She  then  proceeds  to  illustrate  the 
difficulty :  "  Talis  namque  materia  est,  ut  una  dubitatione 
succisa  innumerabiles  aliae  velut  hydrae  capita  succrescant: 
nee  ullus  fuerit  modus,  nisi  quis  eas  vivacissimo  mentis  igne 
coerceat.""  The  Old  English  version  runs :  "  Swa  swa  mon 
on  ealdspellum  sseg]?  ]?3et  an  nsedre  wasre  ]?e  hsefde  nigon 
heafdu,  &  syle  gif  mon  anra  hwelc  of  aslog,  ]7onne  weoxon  )?3er 
siofon  on  J?sem  anum  heafde.  pa  geberede  hit  ]>xt  ]>2er  com 
se  foremsera  Erculus  to,  se  waes  lobes  sunu;  pa.  ne  meahte  he 
ge)7encan  hu  he  hi  mid  asnige  crsefte  ofercuman  sceolde,  ser 
he  hi  bewseg  mid  wudu  utan  &  forbsernde  ]?a  mid  fyre.  Swa 
is  ]?isse  sprsece  ]?e  ]>n  me  seft^acsast."^^  Alfred's  narratives 
are  not  only  longer  than  the  originals,  but,  as  this  comparison 
indicates,  more  vivid  and  concrete.  The  later  effect  is  obtained 
by  the  adding  of  specific  names,  definite  numbers,  explanatory 
clauses,  the  use  of  concrete  terms,  and  the  substitution  of  prose 
for  poetry  where  such  occurs  in  the  Latin.  This  treatment  of 
the  narratives  seems  to  show  that  Alfred  not  only  believed  in 
their  efficacy,  but  that  he  had  both  studied  and  enjoyed  them. 

The  purpose  of  the  illustrations  in  the  Consolation  is  two- 
fold :  to  make  the  points  more  clear  and  convincing,  and  to  add 
to  the  interest  of  the  treatise.  The  first  of  these,  and  probably 
the  chief  reason  for  inserting  the  exempla,  is  stated  in  the 
passage  already  quoted,  where  Alfred  says  that  incidents  are 
cited  not  for  the  love  of  stories  but  in  order  to  aid  in  showing 

'^  Philosophiae  Consolationis,   io8. 

^'King  Alfred's  Old  English   Version  of  Boethius,  127. 


24 

the  truth  with  profit  to  the  reader.  The  secondary  purpose,  the 
arousing  of  interest,  undoubtedly  seemed  more  important  to 
Alfred  than  to  Boethius.  Therefore,  in  order  to  make  the  book 
more  entertaining,  he  added  to  the  exempla  specific  names, 
numbers,  explanatory  clauses,  and  in  general  vitalized  them. 
In  some  cases  the  effectiveness  of  the  original  exemplum  as  an 
aid  to  clearness  is  somewhat  lessened  by  the  alterations,  but 
Alfred's  care  in  restating  the  point  illustrated  usually  over- 
comes the  defect.  Irregularity  in  the  handling  of  the  type  is, 
of  course,  frequent  in  both  versions.  In  the  Latin,  the  minor 
incidents  are  often  mere  references  which  appear  without 
special  distinction;  a  few  more  important  ones,  such  as 
Orpheus  and  Eurydice,  Circe's  Cup,  and  The  Hero's  Path,  are 
in  verse  at  the  close  of  sections.  In  the  case  of  the  translation, 
the  illustrations  are  all  in  prose,  and  almost  invariably  run  on 
without  distinction.  But  notwithstanding  the  absence  of  con- 
ventional features,  this  work  is  a  notable  instance  of  the  early 
use  of  exempla  in  English  literature.^^ 

Alfred's  name  is  still  further  associated  with  exempla 
through  the  translation  of  the  Dialogues  of  Gregory.  It  was 
due  to  him  that  Werferth,  Bishop  of  Worcester,"  undertook 
and  completed  the  translation  of  this  book  into  Old  English. 
This  early  vernacular  collection  of  exempla,  with  its  original, 
constituted  the  chief  influence  on  the  use  of  the  type  during 
the  Old  English  period. 

Exempla  in  extant  Old  English  literature  are  limited  to 
Alfred's  translations  just  examined,  until  the  time  of  Wer- 
ferth's  translation  of  the  Dialogues.  From  that  time  to  the 
close  of  the  twelfth  century,  they  appear  only  in  sermons.  The 
representative  collections  which  we  shall  examine  are  the 
Blickling  Homilies,  Aelfric's  Sermones,  the  Wulfstan  Homilies, 
Old  English  Homilies  of  the  Twelfth  Century,  and  the 
Ormulum,  all  of  which  follow  closely  the  standard  Latin  models 

"  Alfred's  figures  of  speech,  which  he  loosely  terms  "  examples,"  I  shall 
not  discuss.  This  subject  has  been  treated  by  Dr.  J,  W.  Tupper  in  his 
Tropes  and   Figures   in   Anglo-Saxon   Prose. 

"  See  H.  Krebs,  Zur  angelsdchsischen  Ubersetzung  der  Dialoge  Gregor's, 
Anglia,  II,   65-66. 


25 

of  Gregory  the  Great,  St.  Augustine,  and  Beda.  In  the  homi- 
lies of  the  last  two,  occurrence  of  exempla  is  negligible;  only 
those  of  Gregory  encouraged  the  use  of  the  illustrative  tale. 
On  the  other  hand,  symbolism^^  was  employed  by  Beda,  and 
especially  by  St.  Augustine  and  Gregory,  in  the  most  thorough- 
going fashion.  It  is  by  far  the  most  characteristic  feature  of 
the  models  upon  which  our  English  homilists  based  their  dis- 
courses, and  of  the  English  homilies  as  well.  From  these 
facts,  it  is  obvious  why  exempla  are  not  particularly  prominent 
in  the  homilies  of  the  early  period,  and  why  external  influence 
is  largely  attributable  to  Gregory  the  Great. 

The  BlickUng  Homilies,  which  we  shall  first  consider,  repre- 
sent a  period  considerably  earlier  than  the  date  of  the  manu- 
script (971)  in  which  they  are  preserved.  Both  in  vocabulary 
and  syntactical  structure,  Aelfric's  homihes  (991-996)  are 
distinctly  more  modern.^«  The  BlickUng  Homilies  are  "  not  a 
homogeneous  work,  but  a  motley  collection  of  sermons  of 
various  age  and  quality  "  which,  generally  speaking,  "  repre- 
sents the  preaching  of  the  times  before  Aelfric.""  For  this 
reason  a  brief  analysis  of  the  structure  of  these  homilies  may 
be  given  to  show  the  nature  of  Old  English  preaching.  For 
convenience  I  shall  divide  the  collection  into  two  classes:  the 
sermons  for  Sundays,  and  the  sermons  for  Festival  Days. 

The  general  structural  plan  of  the  Sunday  sermons  consists 
of  a  Biblical  passage  followed  by  an  exposition,  usually 
symboHcal.  An  outline  of  a  typical  sermon,  the  Homily  for 
Shrove  Sunday,  will  best  serve  to  indicate  the  manner  of 
development. 

I  A  plain  narrative  of  Jesus'  ride  to  Jericho  and  the  curing 
of  the  blind  man. 
II  A  statement  that  the  narrative  involves  a  mystery  which 
must  be  explained  in  order  to  make  clear  its  signi- 
ficance. 

Ill  The  exposition  according  to  the  symbolical  method. 

^^  See  above,  p.  lo,  note. 
"  BlickUng  Homilies,   preface,   v-vi. 

"See  Earle,  Anglo-Saxon  Literature,  213-14;  also  Cambridge  History  of 
English  Literature,  I,  126  seq. 


26 

a  The  blind  man  signifies  the  blindness  of  all  man- 
kind after  the  Fall. 
h  The  coming  of   Christ  to  Jericho  signifies  the 
coming  of  Christ  to  light  the  path  to  eternal 
Hfe. 
c  The  multitude  which  endeavored  to  restrain  the 
blind  man  signifies  the  carnal  will  and  unre- 
strained lusts  which  exclude  God's  works. 
d  The  blind  man,  asking  for  sight,  not  for  silver  or 
gold,  signifies  that  we  should  not  seek  for  tran- 
sitory things  but  for  the  light  that  never  ends. 
e  The  blind  man  sitting  by  the  wayside  represents 
those  who  believe  in  God  and  follow  Him. 
IV  Exhortations  to  forsake  certain  faults  and  to  be  mindful 

of  God's  behests.^^ 
Similarly,  in  the  sermon  for  Palm  Sunday,  which  is  based 
upon  Jesus'  ride  upon  the  ass  from  Bethphage  to  Jerusalem, 
Bethphage  signifies  the  Holy  Church ;  the  two  disciples  sym- 
bolize holy  teachers  and  the  two  loves  necessary  for  eternal 
life;  the  ass  symbolizes  the  believing  Jewish  folk  and  others 
subject  to  God's  will;  the  crowd  which  went  before  Jesus 
signifies  the  Jewish  people,  including  the  patriots  and  prophets.^^ 
Each  part  of  the  signification  gives  rise  to  more  or  less  conven- 
tional discussion  on  such  topics  as  the  present-day  errors,  ways 
of  betterment,  the  punishment  of  the  wicked  and  the  reward 
of  the  righteous.  The  homilies  are  disjointed  in  style,  as  might 
be  expected  from  their  early  composition  and  eclectic  borrow- 
ings from  the  Latin. 

In  the  group  just  discussed,  four  exempla  are  used.  Of 
these,  two  are  Biblical  references:  David's  fight  with  Goliath, 
and  Judas  burning  in  hell-fire  for  selling  Christ.^"  A  third  is 
related  as  an  experience  of  St.  Paul.  Paul  saw  an  old  man  led 
by  four  "  awyrgde  englas,"  bound  in  chains,  and  cast  into  fiery 
water  up  to  his  knees.  Being  questioned  by  Paul,  the  man  con- 
fessed that  he  was  a  bishop  who  had  done  more  evil  than 

^^  Blickling    Homilies,    14—24. 

"Ibid.,   64-82. 

**  Ibid,,    30,    62    respectively. 


27 

good.-^  The  narrative  closes  with  a  warning  to  present-day 
bishops  that  disobedience  of  God's  law  will  be  punished  by  the 
"  fiery  river  "  and  the  "  iron  hook."  The  fourth  exemplum, 
illustrating  the  futility  of  riches  and  the  disastrous  results  of 
an  ungodly  life,  treats  another  important  theme.  After  the 
death  of  a  very  rich  man,  his  dearest  friend  left  the  country  for 
sorrow.  Upon  returning,  he  visited  the  tomb  of  the  departed. 
Here  the  dead  man's  bones  spoke  to  him,  reminding  him  that 
death  was  not  far  ofif,  and  exhorting  him  to  turn  from  riches 
and  pray  to  God.  The  man  in  sadness  left  the  tomb  and  soon 
began  to  study  and  teach  God's  law,  whereby  he  earned  divine 
grace  and  saved  other  souls  from  torment. ^^  The  homilist  then 
remarks,  "  Magon  we  J^onne,  men  ]?a  leofestan,  us  ]>\s  to  gemyn- 
dum  habban  &  pas  bysene  on  urum  heortum  sta]?elian,  Ipset  we 
ne  sceolan  lufian  worlde  glengas  to  swi]?e  ne  ]?ysne  middan- 
geard."  These  last  two  exempla  deal  with  themes  greatly 
favored  by  later  preachers  and  collectors :  i.  e.,  wicked  and 
avaricious  churchmen  horribly  punished  by  fiends ;  and  warn- 
ings of  the  deceased  to  the  living.-^ 

The  festival  sermons  of  the  Blickling  Homilies  make  no  use 
of  tales  to  point  moral  or  religious  doctrine.  At  the  same  time 
this  group  consists  almost  wholly  of  narratives  dealing  with  the 
lives  of  the  Virgin  and  the  apostles.  The  incidents,  often  of 
an  extremely  lurid  tone  and  in  many  cases  lacking  Biblical 
authority,  are  given  as  facts  with  absolute  assurance  and  no 
qualification.-*    In  the  sermon  on  the  Assumption  of  Mary,  for 

^  Blickling  Homilies,  42.  This  exemplum  is  taken  from  apochryphal  writ- 
ings. Earle  points  out  {op.  cit.,  215)  that  certain  books,  such  as  furnished 
material  for  the  B.  H.  were,  in  the  eighth  or  ninth  century,  put  on  the 
index.  Some  of  these  were  :  the  Acts  of  Pilate,  Journeys  of  the  Apostles, 
Acts  of  Peter,  Acts  of  Andrew  the  Apostle,  the  Contradiction  of  Solomon, 
the  Physiologus.  See  "  Prohibited  Books  "  in  the  Dictionary  of  Christian 
Antiquities. 

"Ibid.,  112. 

"*  On  the  latter  class,  see  M.  B.  Heaureau,  Les  Recits  d' Apparitions  dans 
les  Sermons  du  Moyen  Age,  in  Memoires  de  I' Academic  des  Inscriptions 
et  Belles-Lettres,  XXVIII,  Pt.  II,  239  seq. 

^*  The  marked  contrast  between  these  sermons  and  those  of  Aelfric  is 
noteworthy.  It  is  quite  likely  that  Aelfric  had  the  Blickling  Homilies 
in  mind  when  he  wrote  in  the  preface  to  his  Sermoties  Catholici,  "  Then 


28 

example,  a  vivid  and  detailed  account  of  her  translation  into 
heaven  is  given. -^  In  the  sermon  on  Peter  and  Paul  appears  a 
long  narrative  of  a  wonderful  contest  between  Peter  and  the 
sorcerer  Simon,  which  for  startling  features  rivals  a  similar 
strife  between  Friar  Bacon  and  Friar  Bungay.-®  The  Dedica- 
tion of  St.  Michael's  Church  contains,  among  other  marvelous 
things,  an  account  of  how  one  Garganus  tried  to  shoot  an 
unruly  bull,  but  was  himself  killed  by  the  arrow  which  the 
wind  turned  back ;  also  of  the  marvelous  footprints  before  the 
church  door.-'  The  Festival  of  St.  Martin  recounts  wonderful 
resuscitations  by  that  saint. -^  The  festival  of  St.  Andrew  con- 
tains a  number  of  such  absurd  narratives  as  the  appearance  of 
the  cross  on  St.  Andrew's  face,  his  flesh  and  hair  turning  into  a 
fruit-bearing  tree,  a  stone  image  sending  out  a  stream  of  brine, 
from  its  mouth  at  his  bidding.-^  These  instances  are  representa- 
tive of  a  large  number  which  form  the  body  of  the  festival-day 
discourses. 

Tht  Blickling  Homilies,  as  has  been  shown,  employ  few 
narratives  as  illustrations.  Two  of  the  four  noted  are,  indeed, 
of  particular  importance,  since  they  represent  two  favorite 
exemplum  themes :  wicked  men  punished  by  fiends ;  and  warn- 
ings from  the  dead.^°  The  festival  group  with  its  fantastic  inci- 
dents indicates  the  vogue  of  narrative  sermons  based  on  the 
lives  of  holy  men;  it  also  shows  lack  of  restraint  on  the  part 
of  the  preachers,  and  the  marvelous  credulity  of  contemporary 
audiences. 

it  occurred  to  my  mind  .  .  .  that  I  would  turn  this  book  from  the  Latin 
language  into  the  English  tongue ;  not  from  confidence  of  great  learning, 
but  because  I  have  seen  and  heard  of  much  error  in  many  English  books, 
which  unlearned  men  through  their  simplicity  have  esteemed  as  great 
wisdom."     Homilies  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Church,  I,  3. 

-^  Aelfric  frankly  admits  that  he  is  not  prepared  to  state,  as  some 
have  done,  that  Mary  was  translated.     See  Homilies,  II,   444. 

'^Blickling  Homilies,   172  seq. 

'^  Ibid.,  198-204. 

"-^Ibid.,  216-18. 

^  Ibid.,    242—44. 

'"  Aelfric  states  that  "  we  read  everywhere  in  books "  that  men  have 
died  and  afterward  returned  to  tell  their  experiences.     Homilies,  II,  355. 


29 

The  generally  low  state  of  learning  and  morality  in  the 
Church  of  the  period  which  produced  the  Blickling  Homilies 
was  gradually  changing  for  the  better  as  Aelfric's  time  ap- 
proached. His  homilies^  written  between  991  and  996,  show  in 
their  sanity  and  literary  excellence,  the  effects  of  the  reforma- 
tion which  originated  in  France  and  was  carried  on  in  England 
by  Dunstan,  Aethelwold  and  Odo.^^ 

Aelfric's  homilies  were  probably  compiled  from  the  sources 
which  he  mentions  in  his  preface :  Augustine,  Jerome,  Beda, 
Gregory,  Smaragdus,  and  Haymo.^-  In  this  preface,  Aelfric 
states  that  he  translates  these  sermons  from  Latin  books  into 
"  simple  English "  so  that  the  hearts  of  those  readers  or 
listeners  who  know  only  their  native  tongue,  can  be  reached. 
He  adds  that  he  does  not  translate  word  for  word,  but  sense 
for  sense.  The  editor,  Thorpe,  states  in  his  preface  that  he 
is  not  able  to  say  whether  Aelfric  was  a  mere  translator  or 
whether  he  drew  from  his  own  stores.  He  gives  his  opinion, 
however,  that  no  one  of  his  homilies  is,  generally  speaking,  a 
translation  from  any  one  Latin  original,  but  rather  a  compila- 
tion from  several.^^  This,  it  seems  to  me,  is  pretty  clearly 
indicated  by  such  statements  as  that  in  which  Aelfric  says  that 
he  will  expound  the  gospel  according  to  the  authority  of  Au- 
gustine  and   Gregory.^*     Moreover,   his   efforts   to   adapt   his 

'^  On  Dunstan  and  his  times,  see  Memorials  of  Saint  Dunstan,  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  introd.     See  also  Earle,  Anglo-Saxon  Literature,  219. 

^^  Homilies,   I,    i. 

^^  Ibid.,  editor's  preface,  vi.  Max  Forster's  conclusions  on  this  point 
are  as  follows :  "  Von  einer  wort-fiir-wort-iibersetzung,  wie  solche  z.  b.  in 
den  Blickling  Homilies  vorkommen,  kann  nirgends  bei  Aelfric  die  rede 
sein  ;  .  .  .  es  handelt  sich  dort  fast  immer  um  erklarungen  zum  Bibeltexte, 
die  in  ganz  freier  weise  mit  beibehaltung  der  schlagworter  wiedergegeben 
sind.  Ein  weiteres  moment  fiir  die  relative  selbststandigkeit  der  homilien 
ergiebt  sich  daraus,  dass  wohl  die  halfte  nicht  auf  einer  vorlage  beruht, 
sondern  aus  mehreren  zusammengearbeitet  ist.  Das  verhaltnis  der  quellen 
zu  einander  kann  sich  hierbei  recht  mannigfaltig  gestalten  ;  meist  beschranlrt 
sich  der  beitrag  der  zweiten  oder  dritten  quelle  auf  wenige  satze,  oft 
ankniipfend  an  eingeschobene  citate ;  doch  kommt  auch  nicht  selten  vor, 
dass  zwei  quellen  sich  gegenseitig  die  wage  halten."  Uber  die  Quellen  von 
Aelfric's  Homiliae  Catholicae,  9-10.  For  a  good  study  of  Aelfric's  life  and 
writings,  see  Miss  C.  L.  White's  Aelfric. 

^Homilies,  II,  227;  see  also  536, 


30 

discourses  to  his  audiences  point  to  considerable  originality  of 
treatment.  Probably  the  main  doctrinal  features,  such  as  the 
interpretations  of  Scriptural  passages  and  statements  of  dog- 
matic points,  are  freely  translated  from  the  Latin  sources  which 
best  treated  the  particular  matters  under  discussion ;  the 
arrangement  of  material,  the  allotment  of  proportion,  and  the 
selection  of  illustrations,  may  be  attributed  mainly  to  Aelfric. 

A  rapid  glance  at  the  homilies  will  indicate  why  adaptation 
was  necessary  and  will  suggest  how  the  preacher  was  continu- 
ally regulating  his  discourses  by  the  character  of  his  audiences. 
In  the  first  place,  as  the  preface  and  the  prayer  at  the  end  of 
the  collection  show,  the  homilies  were  written  chiefly  for  the 
unlearned.  The  scholarship  of  Gregory,  Jerome,  and  St. 
Augustine,  although  it  might  serve  as  a  basis,  needed  simpli- 
fication. Then  too,  Aelfric  sometimes  addresses  special 
classes,  a  group  of  girls  (masdenlica  heap),^^  a  monastic  body 
(munuchades  mannum),^"  or  maidens  and  pure  widows.^'^ 
The  main  reason  for  special  treatment  of  his  subject  was  his 
keen  realization  of  the  inability  of  the  audience  to  understand 
the  depth  of  the  gospel  as  expounded  by  his  great  prede- 
cessors. "We  might,"  he  says  in  a  thoroughly  characteristic 
passage,  "  more  elaborately  expound  this  holy  text,  according 
to  the  interpretation  of  Augustine,  but  we  doubt  whether  ye 
can  accurately  judge  of  the  greater  deepness  therein. "^^  Time 
and  again  he  states  that  the  gospel  has  a  hidden  meaning  which 
is  entirely  beyond  the  comprehension  of  his  hearers.^®  In  con- 
sequence of  this  he  takes  great  pains  to  present  the  symbolical 
significance  of  the  text  in  a  simple  manner.  At  the  same 
time,  he  writes  with  recognition  of  his  hearers'  limit  of  endur- 
ance. He  says,  for  example,  "  One  should  speak  to  laymen 
according  to  the  measure  of  their  understanding,  so  that  they 
be  not  disheartened  by  the  deepness,  nor  by  the  length 
wearied."***     In  other  places  he  asks  patience  while  he  proceeds. 

^^  Homilies,   I,   437. 

^Ihid.,  I,  401. 

"^  Ibid.,    I,   447. 

^Ibid.,  I,  557. 

''/fctrf.,  I,  167,  581;  II,  189,  447. 

*"  Ibid.,  II,  447. 


31 

Occasionally  he  avowedly  foregoes  a  part  of  the  exposition 
and  closes  his  sermon  with  such  a  statement  as  the  following : 
"  Tedious  it  would  be  for  us  to  recount  and  for  you  to  hear  all 
the  depths  of  the  great  Baptist's  preaching;"'*^  or,  in  another 
place,  "  This  exposition  is  longsome  for  you  to  hear,  but  we 
will  now  here  end  our  speech."*-  The  foregoing  facts  suggest 
not  only  a  considerable  amount  of  originality  in  the  composi- 
tion of  the  homilies,  but  a  comprehension  of  his  audience  far 
beyond  that  of  his  English  predecessors. 

Possessing  this  comprehension,  Aelfric  tried  to  make  his 
homilies  clear  and  attractive.  As  a  means  to  this  end  he  recog- 
nized the  exemplum  and  spoke  clearly  in  favor  of  it.  In  one 
of  his  sermons  he  says :  "  This  epistle  is  very  complex  for  us 
to  expound  and  very  deep  for  you  to  hear.  It  does  not  now 
seem  good  to  us  to  speak  more  concerning  it,  but  we  will  relate 
for  your  bettering  some  other  edifying  matter  of  the  great 
mother  of  God."*^  He  then  tells  two  legends  showing  how 
the  intervention  of  the  Virgin  saved  those  who  worshipped  her. 
Again,  in  praising  the  preaching  of  St.  Cuthbert,  Aelfric  states 
that  "  a  his  bodunga  mid  gebysnungum  astealde,  and  eac  mid 
wundrum  wel  geglengde."**  In  another  place  he  suggests  to 
his  audience  the  reading  of  Gregory's  Dialogues,  which,  he 
says,  have  been  turned  into  English.*^  But,  as  has  been  stated, 
Aelfric  was  a  product  of  the  reform  movement,  a  scholar  and 
an  earnest  teacher.  He  himself  was  not  carried  away  by  the 
wild  narratives  in  the  Blickling  Homilies,  nor  did  he  intend  that 
his  audiences  should  be  misled  by  accounts  from  questionable 
sources. 

In  view  of  the  effect  which  this  conservatism  had  upon 
Aelfric's  use  of  exempla,  it  may  be  well  to  examine  briefly 
his  view  of  the  preacher's  duty.  That  it  was,  like  Gregory's, 
an  exalted  one,  may  be  seen  in  the  noble  expressions  running 
through  the  homily  on  the  Nativity  of  Several  Apostles.  Here 
he  maintains  that  the  teaching  of  Christ's  lore  is  the  business  of 

^Homilies,  I,  363  ;  see  also  I,  449,  557  ;  II,  467. 
*^Ihid.,  II,  537. 
*^Ibid.,  I,  449. 
**Ibid.,  II,  148. 
"^Ibid.,   II,   359. 


32 

the  preacher;  that  the  world  is  full  of  priests,  but  that  few  are 
working  in  God's  vineyard;  that  ministers  should  work  not 
merely  for  temporal  reward;  that  they  should  salt  the  minds 
of  men  with  wisdom.***  It  is  in  the  spirit  of  this  last  senti- 
ment particularly,  that  he  guards  against  the  extravagance  of 
apochryphal  and  exaggerated  legendary  accounts.  "If  we 
should  say  more,"  Aelfric  observes  in  one  of  the  homilies,  "of 
this  feast-day  than  we  read  in  the  holy  books  that  have  been 
composed  by  the  inspiration  of  God,  then  we  should  be  like 
unto  those  heretics,  who  from  their  own  imagination,  or  from 
dreams,  have  recorded  many  false  traditions ;  but  the  orthodox 
teachers,  Augustine,  Jerome,  Gregory,  and  many  others,  have, 
through  their  wisdom,  rejected  them.  These  heretical  works, 
nevertheless,  yet  exist,  both  in  Latin  and  in  English,  and 
ignorant  men  read  them.  It  is  enough  for  believing  men  to 
read  and  to  say  that  which  is  true."*^  Frequently  he  warns 
his  audience  against  going  beyond  the  evidence  of  the  gospel  in 
such  matters  as  the  Assumption,  Jesus  raising  the  dead,  and  the 
vision  of  St.  Paul.*«  This  does  not  mean  that  Aelfric  was 
altogether  averse  to  using  legendary  material,  as  its  presence  in 
the  homilies,  as  well  as  his  later  compilation  of  saints'  lives, 
testifies.  But  even  in  the  preface  to  the  Saints'  Lives,  he  again 
voices  the  conservative  attitude.  "  I  do  not  promise,  however, 
to  write  very  many  in  this  tongue  because  it  is  not  fitting  that 
many  should  be  translated  into  our  language,  lest  peradventure 
the  pearls  of  Christ  be  had  in  disrespect.  And  therefore  I 
hold  my  peace  as  to  the  book  called  Vitae  Patrum,  wherein 
are  contained  many  subtle  points  which  ought  not  to  be  laid 
open  to  the  laity,  nor  are  we  ourselves  quite  able  to  fathom 
them."*®  Having  in  mind  Aelfric's  free  use  of  his  sources,  his 
appreciation  of  the  needs  of  his  audience,  and  his  spirit  of 
conservatism,  we  may  proceed  to  examine  his  use  of  the 
exemplum. 

Although  there  are  certain  differences,  Aelfric's  use  closely 
resembles  that  of  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  century  writers. 

*"  Homilies,   II,    529—537. 

*'' Ibid.,  II,  445. 

**  Ibid.,  I,  441,  II,  445;  I,  495;  II,  333,  respectively. 

*"  Lives   of   Saints,    3. 


33 

The  characteristic  features  of  illustrative  narratives  at  the 
height  of  their  vogue  were  as  follows:  (i)  the  tales  were 
ordinarily  striking,  often  lurid  or  indelicate ;  (2)  they  were 
rarely  taken  from  the  Bible,  but  represented  a  vast  range  of 
sources,  religious  and  secular;  (3)  tales  about  churchmen  out- 
numbered all  other  kinds ;  (4)  they  were  not  mere  references, 
but  incidents  with  a  beginning,  middle  and  end;  (5)  exempla 
were  not  excluded  from  the  body  of  the  sermon  or  treatise, 
but  the  favorite  place  was  at  the  close,  where  from  one  to  five 
usually  appeared ;  (6)  conventional  introductory  and  closing 
phrases  very  often  set  off  the  exemplum;  (7)  in  a  great  many 
instances  the  source  of  the  narrative  was  given ;  e.  g.,  "  We 
read  in  the  Dialogues,"  or  "  Cesarius  tells  of  a  hermit."  Such 
are  the  characteristics  of  the  tales  in  the  North-English  Homily 
Collection  or  Mirk's  Festial.  In  the  homilies  of  Aelfric  may 
be  found  cases  which  illustrate  practically  all  of  these  features. 
Taking  up  the  exempla  with  reference  to  the  points  just 
noted,  we  shall  first  consider  the  character  of  the  tales.  From 
what  has  been  said  regarding  Aelfric's  conservatism,  it  may  be 
expected  that  they  will  not  be  lurid  and  exaggerated.  A  num- 
ber of  the  tales  are,  of  course,  better  adapted  to  a  more 
credulous  age  than  our  own  in  that  they  involve  the  super- 
natural ;  such,  for  instance,  is  the  tale  from  the  Dialogues  tell- 
ing of  a  Valerian  noble  who  was  carried  off  by  black  fiends 
because  of  his  sinful  life ;  or  the  tale  from  Beda,  about  Ymma's 
fetters  being  loosened  by  his  brother's  singing  masses.^"  Two 
of  the  exempla  are  of  the  lurid  type.  One  of  these  from  the 
Vitae  Patrum  relates  how  in  answer  to  prayer  for  a  proof  of 
transubstantiation,  an  angel  appeared  and  with  a  knife  carved 
up  a  child  in  the  sacred  dish.  When  the  monks  went  to 
examine  it,  the  body  and  blood  was  changed  to  bread  and 
wine.^^  The  second  instance  of  this  kind,  which  Aelfric  takes 
from  Gregory,  tells  of  a  bad  monk  who  on  his  death-bed  was 
about  to  be  swallowed  by  a  dragon,  when  the  prayers  of  good 

^Homilies,  I,  413;  II,  357,  respectively. 

'^Ibid.,  II,  273.     It  is  to  be  remembered  that  Aelfric  looked  somewhat 
askance  at  the  Vitae  Patrum. 
''Ibid.,  I,  533. 
4 


34 

monks  drove  away  the  monster.^^  But  the  great  majority  of 
exempla  in  these  homilies  are  moderate  in  character  and  are 
related  with  little  attempt  to  lay  stress  upon  startling  or 
dramatic  features.  This  generally  conservative  tone  is  in  part 
explained  by  the  kind  of  sources  from  which  he  drew  his 
illustrations. 

They  are  taken  mainly  from  the  Bible  and  Gregory's 
Dialogues;  in  addition  to  these  sources,  legends  of  the  Virgin, 
Beda's  Ecclesiastical  History,  and  the  Vitae  Patrum  are  spar- 
ingly used.  The  Biblical  narratives  are  the  following:  Gehazi 
stricken  with  leprosy  for  taking  a  bribe,  Hezekiah's  victory 
over  Sennacherib,  three  youths  in  the  fiery  oven,  Daniel  in  the 
lion's  den,  the  apostles  freed  from  prison  by  an  angel,  the  child 
cured  by  its  mother's  faith,  the  rich  man  called  to  account, 
Jesus  stilling  the  tempest,  Jesus  casting  out  devils,  the  parable 
of  the  unfruitful  tree,  Nebuchadnezzar  turned  into  a  beast, 
Belshazzar's  feast.^^  Besides  these  twelve  developed  nar- 
ratives, there  are  a  number  of  Biblical  references  used  as 
exempla.^*  These  are  often  grouped,  as  are  the  longer  ones,  to 
get  a  cumulative  effect. 

The  source  of  next  importance  is  Gregory,  from  whom 
Aelfric  takes  nine  exempla,  exclusive  of  the  incidents  in  the 
festival  sermons.  They  are:  Martyrius  and  the  leper  (Christ), 
the  Valerian  noble  seized  by  fiends,  the  bad  monk  saved  from 
the  dragon,  the  joyful  death  of  the  holy  Servulus,  transub- 
stantiation  proved  by  the  bloody  finger,  the  blasphemous  child 
carried  off  by  the  devil,  the  report  of  a  man  returned  from 
death,  the  glorious  end  of  patient  Stephen,  Romula  blessed  for 
resignation  to  palsy .^^ 

There  remain  seven  exempla,  which  were  taken  from  three 
well-known  sources.  Beda's  History  furnished  the  tale  of 
Ymma  and  Tunna ;  the  Vitae  Patrum  is  the  source  of  the  child 
carved  at  the  altar,  the  man  who  entertained  a  stranger 
(Christ),  the  death  of  the  heretic  Arius,  the  death  of  the 

'^Homilies,  I,  401,  569,  57i,  57i,  573;  H,  51,  105,  379,  379,  407,  433, 
435.   resp. 

^Ibid.,  I,  483,  489,  525,  575;  n,  79,  107,  326,  331. 

^Ibid..  I,  337,  413,  533  ;  II,  97,  273,  327,  355,  547,  547,  resp. 


35 

heretic  Sabellius.  A  collection  of  Mary  legends  furnished 
Theophilus  saved  from  the  devil,  and  Basilius'  victory  over 
Julian.^^  In  all,  then,  aside  from  the  dozen  or  so  brief  refer- 
ences, the  Homilies  contain  twenty-eight  exempla,  taken  from 
five  sources :  the  Bible,  Gregory's  Dialogues,  the  Vitae  Patrum, 
legends  of  the  Virgin,  and  Beda's  Ecclesiastical  History.  Of 
these,  the  Bible  and  the  Dialogues  are  by  far  the  most  im- 
portant contributors.  The  subdued  tone  of  the  stories  taken 
from  Gregory,  and  the  large  number  of  Biblical  tales,  give  a 
moderation  which  contrasts  with  the  later  use  of  exempla, 
when  the  lurid  story  was  not  avoided  and  the  Bible  was  but 
rarely  cited. 

We  have  now  to  consider  the  literary  handling  of  the  tales. 
In  the  works  previously  examined,  the  exempla  have  been,  in 
the  main,  brief  and  almost  altogether  lacking  in  artistic  con- 
struction. Aelfric's  narratives  make  a  considerable  advance 
beyond  the  brief  Biblical  references  of  the  Pastoral  Care,  and 
the  short,  rather  brusque  narratives  of  Alfred's  Boethius  and 
the  Blickling  Homilies.  A  few  of  Aelfric's  tales,  such  as  the 
death  of  the  heretic  Sabellius  (six  lines),  and  the  man  who 
returned  from  death  (half  page),  are  brief.  But  the  great 
majority  occupy  from  three  quarters  of  a  page  to  two  pages  in 
the  text.  They  have,  moreover,  the  form  of  completely 
rounded  incidents  with  a  beginning,  middle  and  end.  The 
Biblical  passages  are  related  with  considerable  detail  and  in  a 
familiar  style.  These,  together  with  the  translations  from 
Gregory,  make  the  narratives  a  very  admirable  body  of 
exempla.  The  type  in  Aelfric's  homilies  becomes  unquestion- 
ably a  literary  form  of  no  little  importance. 

An  advance  toward  the  conventional  in  the  position  and 
number  of  exempla,  and  introductory  and  closing  phrases, 
is  also  to  be  noted.  There  is  a  marked  tendency  to  place 
the  exempla  at  the  end  of  the  homilies,  as  we  might  ex- 
pect from  Aelfric's  understanding  of  the  mental  state  of  his 

^Homilies,  II,  357,  273,  287;  I,  291,  291,  449,  445,  resp.  The  last  two 
contes  devots  represent  a  class  which  was  much  favored  by  those  who 
collected  or  used  exempla.  The  legends  cited  may  be  found  in  Les 
Miracles  de  la  Sainte  Vierge  traduits  et  mis  en  vers  par  Gautier  de  Coincy, 
26  seq.,  and  395  seq.,  resp. 


36 

audiences.  In  six  cases  we  find  tales  in  medial  positions; 
three  times  they  are  placed  near  the  end ;  and  in  twelve  in- 
stances they  appear  at  the  close  of  the  discourse.  As  a  rule, 
a  given  homily  has  but  one  or  two  narratives  or  references, 
but  in  a  few  cases  more  are  cited.  In  one  instance  we  find 
three  developed  incidents  and  three  outlines,  which  were  very 
likely  expanded  in  the  spoken  discourse.^'^  This  grouping  for 
cumulative  effect  is  most  noticeable  in  the  case  of  Biblical 
references.^*  Also  in  opening  and  closing  the  exempla, 
Aelfric's  manner  resembles  that  of  the  flourishing  period. 
For  purposes  of  comparison  I  shall  cite  a  typical  instance 
from  the  Festial  of  Mirk.  After  speaking  of  God's  grace, 
the  writer  warns  his  readers  not  to  abide  in  their  sins,  for 
God's  patience  is  not  everlasting.  He  then  says :  "  For  ]?agh 
he  abyde  long,  at  ]7e  last  he  woll  smyte  suche  ]7at  woll  not 
amende  hom ;  and  when  he  smytyth,  he  smytyth  sore. 

Narracio 

I  rede  ]?at  )?er  was  a  knyght,"  etc.,  to  the  effect  that  the  knight 
sinned  and  was  warned  by  a  voice  from  heaven  that  at  the  end 
of  thirty  years  he  should  feel  vengeance.  At  the  expiration  of 
the  period  he  and  all  his  companions  sunk  with  his  strong  castle 
into  the  earth.     Then  follows  a  new  section,  beginning: 

"  ]?us  ye  may  se,  ]?agh  God  abyde  longe,  at  ]?e  last  he  smytyth 
sore.  Wherfor  I  amonysh  you,  ]?at  ye  take  not  hys  grace  of 
abydyng  yn  vayne."^^  In  some  cases  the  section  preceding 
the  narrative  ended  with  such  a  phrase  as  "  Herby  I  may 
schewe  you  an  ensampull,"  or  "  But  forto  undyrstond  ]7ys  ]?e 
bettyr,  I  schew  ]?ys  ensampull,"  or  "  And  yet,  forto  styr  you 
more  in  concyens,  y  tell  you  ]?ys  ensampull."  Again,  the  tale 
did  not  always  close  a  section  but  was  sometimes  followed 
by  a  brief  moralization  or  restatement  of  the  point  illustrated 
by  the  tale.  The  conventional  opening  "  I  rede,"  which  is 
very   frequent  with   Mirk,   is  sometimes   varied  by  such   ex- 

^''  Homilies,    I,    569-575. 

^Ibid.,  I,  525-27,  483,  489.  569-75  ;  n,  379,  433-37-  Many  of  the  festival 
homilies,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Blicklings,  contain  much  narrative  matter 
but  no  incidents  for  illustrative  purposes. 

^^  Festial,  Pt.  I,  88-89. 


37 

pressions  as,  "  Seynt  Gregory  telly]?,"  "  An  ensampnll  of  J?ys 
I  fynd,  as  Alisander  Nekkam  telly]?";  or,  at  times  the  tale 
opens  without  such  phrases,  as,  "  In  ]?e  towne  of  Schrosbury 
sytten  Ipre  men  togedyr." 

A  comparison  of  Aelfric's  handling  of  exempla  with  Mirk's 
as  indicated  above,  gives  further  evidence  that  a  formal  use 
of  the  type  existed  thus  early  in  English  literature.  Most 
of  Aelfric's  exempla  either  occupy  the  entire  section,  or  at 
least  open  the  section,  which  is  closed  by  a  return  to  the 
point  illustrated.  Again,  as  in  the  Fcstial,  the  tales  are  fre- 
quently introduced  by  such  formal  phrases  as,  '*  We  have  a 
very  manifest  example  of  this  thing,"  ''  Gregory  has  related  an 
example,"  or,  "  We  read  in  the  book  that  is  called  '  Vitae 
Patrum.' "  The  moralizations  following  the  exempla  are  also 
similar  to  the  typical  forms  of  the  fourteenth  century.  For 
instance,  after  narrating  the  horrible  death  of  Arius,  Aelfric 
says,  "  Thus  God  manifested  that  he  was  as  void  in  his  inside 
as  he  had  before  been  in  his  belief."^"  Similarly,  after  the 
story  of  Gehazi,  a  new  section  begins,  "  Now  it  is  therefore 
for  monastic  men  to  shun  with  great  care  these  evil  examples."*^ 
At  other  times  he  uses  such  expressions  as,  "  From  this  it  is 
manifest."  Of  course,  the  conventionality  which  results  from 
using  the  same  expression  in  scores  of  instances,  as  is  the  case 
in  a  work  like  the  Festial  or  the  Book  of  the  Knight  of  La 
Tour  Landry,  is  not  to  be  found  in  Aelfric's  score  and  a  half 
of  exempla.  The  point  to  be  noted  is  the  essential  resemblance 
between  Aelfric  and  the  writers  of  the  thirteenth  and  four- 
teenth centuries  in  the  handling  of  the  type. 

In  the  foregoing  sections  it  has  been  shown  that  Aelfric's  con- 
servatism largely  excluded  from  his  homilies  the  unrestrained 
narratives  used  by  an  earlier  school  of  English  preachers ;  that, 
understanding  his  audiences,  he  saw  the  need  and  efficacy  of 
exempla,  as  had  his  most  quoted  model,  Gregory;  that  in  the 
number  and  kind  of  exempla  used,  and  in  the  manner  of 
handling  them,  Aelfric  not  only  advances  beyond  his  English 
predecessors,  but  resembles  the  preachers  of  the  thirteenth  and 
fourteenth  centuries. 

*"  Homilies,  I,  291. 
«/fcid.,  I,  401. 


38 

Next  to  be  considered  is  the  collection  of  fifty-four  homilies^^ 
attributed  by  Wanley  to  Wulfstan,  Archbishop  of  York  from 
1 002  to  1023.  As  the  canon  stands  at  present,  seven  are  ac- 
cepted as  unquestionably  written  by  Wulfstan,  and  eight  others 
as  probably  from  his  pen.^^  These  fifteen  homilies  have  been 
removed  from  the  whole  group  with  considerable  effort. 
"  The  difficulties,"  says  Dr.  Kinard,  "  attending  any  attempt  to 
separate  the  genuine  homilies  in  this  collection  from  the 
spurious  are  emphasized  by  all  critics  who  have  expressed 
themselves  on  the  subject."*^*  From  this  it  appears  probable 
that  the  Wanley  collection,  taken  as  a  whole,  represents  the 
school  of  Wulfstan.  For  the  purposes  of  this  study,  dis- 
crimination in  the  matter  of  authorship  would  be  of  no  par- 
ticular value;  I  shall,  therefore,  refer  to  the  whole  group  as  the 
Wulfstan  homilies. 

Before  discussing  these  homilies  it  is  desirable  to  recall  the 
condition  of  the  times  which  produced  them.  The  compara- 
tively peaceful  period  during  which  the  scholarly  Aelfric  com- 
posed his  homilies  changed  rapidly  into  the  stormy  period  in 
which  Wulfstan  wrote.*^^  Trouble  with  the  Danes  and  North- 
men had  been  growing  through  Aethelred's  reign  (978-1016), 
and  finally  in  1002  the  king,  in  order  to  win  the  friendship  of 
Normandy,  married  Emma,  the  Norman  Duke's  daughter. 
The  same  dread  of  invasion  led  to  the  massacre  of  the  Northern 
mercenaries  on  St.  Brice's  Day,  1002,  by  the  king's  order. 
"  Wedding  and  murder,  however,"  says  Green,  "  proved  feeble 
defences  against  Swegen.     His  fleet  reached  the  coast  in  1003, 

'^  Wulfstan;  Sammlung  der  ihm  ziigeschriebenen  Homilien  nebst  Unter- 
suchungen  iiber  Hire  Echtheit,  published  by  A.  S.  Napier.  In  the  year 
preceding  his  publication  of  this  edition,  Napier  brought  out  a  study  of 
Wulfstan's  work,  Uber  die  Werke  des  altenglischen  Erzbishofs  Wulfstan, 
in  which  he  concluded  that  the  attribution  of  Wanley  was  in  great  part 
erroneous.  To  those  admitted  by  Napier,  Dr.  J.  P.  Kinard  has  added  a 
few  others.     See  A  Study  of  Wulfstan's  Homilies,  32   seq. 

"'Unquestioned,  Nos.  2,  3,  19,  22,  23,  33,  34;  probable,  Nos.  5,  10,  12,  13, 
14,   IS,   17,  27.     (Napier's  numbering.) 

'^Kinard,   op.   cit.,   11. 

®°  The  raiding  expeditions  which  occurred  before  1002  were  not  to  be 
compared  with  the  destructive  ravages  after  that  date.  See  E.  A.  Freeman, 
The  History   of  the  Norman  Conquest  of  Ejigland,  I,   285   seq. 


39 

and  for  four  years  he  marched  through  the  length  and  breadth 
of  southern  and  eastern  England  'lighting  his  war  beacons  as 
he  went '  in  blazing  homestead  and  town.  Then  for  a  heavy 
bribe  he  withdrew,  to  prepare  for  a  later  and  more  terrible 
onset.  But  there  was  no  rest  for  the  realm.  The  fiercest  of 
the  Norwegian  jarls  took  his  place,  and  from  Wessex  the  war 
extended  over  Mercia  and  East  Anglia.  In  1012  Canterbury 
was  taken  and  sacked,  Aelfheah  the  Archbishop  dragged  to 
Greenwich,  and  there  in  default  of  ransom  brutally  slain.  .  .  . 
Meanwhile  the  court  was  torn  with  intrigue  and  strife.  .  .  . 
Eadric,  whom  Aethelred  raised  to  be  Ealdorman  of  Mercia, 
became  a  power  that  overawed  the  crown.  In  this  paralysis  of 
the  central  authority  all  organization  was  lost.  '  Shire  would 
not  help  other'  when  Swegen  returned  in  1013.  The  war  was 
terrible  but  short.  Everywhere  the  country  was  pitilessly 
harried,  churches  plundered,  men  slaughtered,"''®  Swegen  died 
in  1014,  but  under  Cnut  the  contest  was  maintained  until  the 
latter  was  made  king  and  peace  was  established.  In  all  this 
time  the  Church  was  the  center  of  national  resistance.®'^ 

Produced  in  such  a  time  by  intense  men,  the  Wulfstan  homi- 
lies are  concerned  less  with  long  expositions  of  Scripture  than 
with  vital  issues  of  the  day.  Likewise  the  scholarly  and 
literary  style  of  Aelfric's  homilies  changes  to  a  more  practical 
and  vigorous  tone  in  the  Wulfstan  group.  Poetic  and  figura- 
tive words  give  way  to  familiar,  concrete  words ;  the  use  of 
tropes,  similes,  and  symbolism  becomes  rare.  With  the  feeling 
of  those  who  realize  deeply  and  would  better  the  evil  conditions 
of  men  and  the  times,  the  writers  constantly  strive  for  clear- 
ness and  directness  even  at  the  cost  of  felicity  of  expression 
and  literary  interest. 

A  corresponding  change  in  exempla  takes  place.  The  em- 
ployment of  non-Biblical  tales,  which  was  so  frequent  in  Ael- 

«*  J.  R.  Green,  History  of  the  English  People,  I,  98-99 ;  see  also  Freeman, 
op.  cit.,  I,  285  seq. 

"  Green,  op.  cit.,  1,  100.  In  spite  of  this,  it  is  to  be  remembered  that 
the  Church  from  the  early  years  of  Aethelred's  reign  was  on  the  decline. 
With  the  accession  of  Cnut  came  a  short  period  of  improvement ;  still 
"  religion  declined  .  .  .  and  a  general  inefficiency  and  indifference  pre- 
vailed in  the  Church  as  in  the  State."  H.  D.  Traill,  Social  England,  I,  163. 


40 

fric's  homilies,  decreases  and  Biblical  narratives  are  again 
largely  depended  upon  to  illustrate  and  confirm  doctrine. 
Most  of  the  citations  are  from  the  Old  Testament.  The  fol- 
lowing undeveloped  themes  appear  as  illustrations  :  Adam's  loss 
of  Paradise,  the  burning  of  Job's  possessions,  Adam  admonished 
by  the  angels,  David's  conversion,  the  conversion  of  the  Nini- 
vites.^^  These  five  references  of  which  two  are  repeated,  are 
given  briefly,  with  little  or  no  detail.  The  same  number  of 
developed  Biblical  tales,  two  of  which  are  repeated,  are  used 
as  exempla :  how  Jonathas  lost  a  battle  by  breaking  a  fast, 
Noah's  flood,  the  destruction  of  Dathon,  Abiron,  and  Choreb, 
the  death  of  the  Sunday  laborer,  the  rich  man  called  to  ac- 
count.®^ To  these  may  be  added  two  apochryphal  tales : 
Peter's  victory  over  Simon  the  sorcerer,  and  St.  Paul's  account 
of  a  contest  over  an  expiring  soul.'^°  There  are  in  all,  then, 
sixteen  Biblical  exempla.  This  is,  as  a  comparison  of  the  non- 
Biblical  narratives  will  show,  a  very  large  percentage  of  the 
entire  number.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  four  incidents  are  re- 
peated, and  that  nearly  all  of  the  illustrations  exemplify  the 
results  of  wrong-doing. 

How  may  this  marked  preference  for  Biblical  illustrations  be 
explained?  It  is  not  likely  that  it  was  due  to  ignorance  of 
other  material.  Wulfstan  and  his  school  were  undoubtedly 
more  or  less  familiar  with  Beda's  History,  the  Consolation  of 
Philosophy,  Gregory's  Dialogues,  the  Vitae  Patruni,  saints' 
lives,  and  probably  with  Aldhelm's  De  Laudibus  Virginitatis, 
which  contained  a  large  number  of  non-Biblical  exempla.  Ael- 
fric's  homilies,  moreover,  furnished  an  immediate  precedent 
for  the  use  of  such  illustrations.  In  my  opinion  the  explana- 
tion lies  rather  in  the  practical  adaptation  of  illustration  to  text. 
The  insistent  thought  running  through  the  Wulfstan  homilies 
centers  around  the  sins  and  short-comings  of  men,  and  the 
terrible  punishments  which  await  those  who  will  not  reform. 
The  best,  most  convenient  and  authoritative  illustrations  of 
that  theme  were  Biblical.     For  instance,  the  preacher  urges 

'^Wulfstan  Homilies,  69,  97,  103,  170  (repeated,  172),  170  (repeated, 
173),   resp. 

"^^  Ibid.,   174,  206   (repeated,  216),  219    (repeated,  295),  220,  257,  resp. 
''"Ibid.,  98,  234,  resp. 


41 

the  avoidance  of  breaking  fast;  as  an  illustration  of  the  dire 
results  which  attend  a  violation  of  the  ordinance,  the  case 
of  Jonathas  and  the  lost  battle  is  both  apt  and  convincing. 
Or,  the  preacher  attacks  Sabbath-breaking,  and  the  fate  of 
Dathon  and  his  companions  comes  to  mind  without  necessitat- 
ing search.  To  men  like  Aelfric,  of  greater  literary  inclina- 
tion and  more  given  to  theological  exposition  of  the  Scriptures, 
the  symbolism  of  the  Church  Fathers,  the  legends,  and  the 
Dialogues  of  Gregory,  made  a  greater  appeal.  To  men  of 
intense  reforming  zeal  like  Wulfstan  and  his  followers,  the 
Bible  was  first  and  foremost. 

The  non-Biblical  exempla,  though  fewer,  are  of  importance 
because  of  their  character.  They  are  four  in  number :  a  young 
monk  who  sang  from  heaven  to  his  mother,  the  sinner's  soul 
which  dared  not  leave  the  body,  a  devil's  account  of  hell,  an 
account  of  hell  by  a  Scot  returned  from  death.'^^  The  tale  of 
the  young  monk  is  a  detached  exemplum  standing  alone  as 
number  XXXI  of  Napier's  edition.'^-  That  it  was  used  as  an 
exemplum  in  some  homily  is  clear  from  the  opening,  "We 
willa]?  nu  secgan  sume  bysne  to  ]?isum."  The  story  tells  of  a 
boy  who  was  wont  to  sing  among  the  monks.  His  mother 
came  often  to  hear  him,  but  was  one  day  disappointed ;  the  boy 
had  disappeared.  Finally,  at  the  mother's  entreaty,  the  abbot 
prayed  that  the  boy  might  be  allowed  to  sing  from  heaven.  In 
response  to  the  prayer,  his  voice  rang  out  loud  and  clear, 
showing  that  he  was  with  God  whom  he  had  served.  This 
tale  is  unusually  delightful  both  in  subject-matter  and  quiet 
manner  of  telling.  It  seems  distinctly  out  of  place  among  this 
set  of  homilies. 

The  other  three  narratives  are  of  an  entirely  different  char- 
acter. The  first  of  these  deals  with  a  soul  which  dared  not 
leave  the  body  for  fear  of  the  "  awyrgedan  gastas "  which 
stood  before  it.     The  soul  upbraids  the  body,  while  a  devil 

''^Homilies,  152,  140,  146  (repeated  in  variant  form,  214),  205  (repeated 
in  part,  twice  in  the  same  homily,  and  twice  in  the  following  homily), 
resp. 

"The  editor's  note  on  this  tale  (p.  152)  runs:  "  Nur  in  E  [Bodleian, 
Junius  99]  enthalten.  Keine  iiberschrift ;  die  seiteniiberschrift,  die  nicht 
vom  schreiber  herriihrt,   lautet  XVI   Be  ane   munuccilde." 


42 

cries  out  to  his  associates,  "  stinga]?  stranglic  sar  "  on  his  eyes, 
mouth  and  heart;  after  this,  the  unfortunate  victim  is  further 
tortured  by  a  sight  of  the  joy  of  heaven,  and  is  then  hurled  into 
the  mouth  of  a  fiery  dragon  which  spews  him  into  the  hottest 
fires  of  hell-punishment. 

The  story  of  Nial,  the  Scottish  deacon,  is  broken  up  and  told 
in  parts  through  two  sermons.  It  narrates  how  this  man  was 
dead  five  weeks  and  then  returned  to  tell  of  the  awful  fire  that 
awaited  those  who  disobeyed  God's  law  against  Sabbath- 
breaking. 

The  tale  of  the  devil  and  the  hermit  relates  how  the  devil 
told  the  hermit  that  the  earth  compared  in  size  to  hell  was  as  a 
pin  prick  to  a  broad  surface  (bradum  brede).  He  also  told 
the  hermit  that  if  hell  were  fenced  in  with  iron  and  filled  with 
fire,  and  surrounded  with  bellows,  each  blown  by  a  man  with 
the  strength  of  Samson ;  and  if  an  iron  roof  were  put  over  this 
fire  and  covered  with  men,  and  each  of  these  men  had  a 
hammer  in  his  hands ;  and  though  the  men  blew  all  the  bellows 
and  the  others  beat  the  hammers  on  the  iron  roof, — if  this 
should  be  done,  there  would  not  be  experienced  what  a  single 
night  in  hell  brought  forth.  The  second  version  of  this  tale  in 
the  homilies  is  different.  Here,  in  reply  to  the  hermit's  ques- 
tion as  to  the  nature  of  hell,  the  devil  says  that  though  seven 
men  should  sit  on  the  earth  and  they  could  speak  in  every 
tongue,  "]?ara  is  twa  and  hundseofontig,"  and  each  man  were 
to  live  forever,  and  each  of  them  had  seven  heads,  and  each 
head  had  seven  tongues,  and  each  tongue  had  an  iron  voice, 
they  could  not  tell  of  all  the  punishment  of  hell. 

Two  of  the  tales  discussed  represent  favorite  stock  exempla: 
the  soul  of  a  dying  person  attacked  by  devils,  and  a  person  re- 
turned from  death  to  tell  of  the  other  world.'^^  The  last  tale, 
dealing  with  the  devil  and  the  hermit,  was  to  be  found,  accord- 
ing to  the  homilist,  "  on  halgum  bocum,"  so  the  idea  was  appar- 
ently common  also.  Of  course  there  are  in  later  sermons  and 
collections,  stories  in  which  devils  have  dealings  with  hermits, 
but  the  naively  terrific  form  of  these  exempla  in  the  Wulfstan 

"  Both  of  these  stories  have  analogues  in  Beda ;  see  Ecclesiastical  His- 
tory, I,  28s,  294. 


43 

homilies  is  almost  unique.  The  aim  of  this  narrative  is  the 
same  as  that  of  the  two  preceding.  Indeed,  the  whole  body  of 
exempla  in  these  homilies  is  homogeneous  in  that  they  serve 
practically  one  purpose, — to  frighten  the  audience  by  the  con- 
sequences of  wrong-doing.  To  this  end  no  pains  seem  to  have 
been  spared  to  make  the  people  tremble,  since  even  the  Biblical 
incidents  are  often  recounted  in  a  manner  which  makes  the 
original  seem  mild.'^* 

As  a  formal  type,  the  exemplum  is  not  as  marked  in  the 
Wulfstan  group  as  in  the  homilies  of  Aelfric.  The  Biblical 
incidents  are  short,  and,  though  forcible,  are  crudely,  baldly 
told.  The  non-Biblical  narratives  are  longer  and  more  com- 
plete, but  they  lack  the  rounded  development  of  the  legends 
related  by  Aelfric.  Besides  this  lack  of  literary  quality,  there 
are  other  departures  from  form.  The  exempla  are  rarely  re- 
served till  the  end  of  the  homilies,  but  occur  wherever  occa- 
sion requires  ;  nor  are  they  introduced  with  formal  expressions. 
In  a  couple  of  instances  we  find,  "  betere  eac,  )?3et  we  nu  sum  to 
bysne  secgan,"  and,  "uton  niman  us  nu  ealle  bysne  be  Saule 
J7am  cinicge,"'^  opening  the  illustration.  But  these  are  excep- 
tions to  the  usual  abrupt  transition  from  the  abstract  observa- 
tion to  the  tale.  Such  fixed  phrases  as,  "  we  read,"  or  "  I 
find,"  are  also  wanting.  On  the  other  hand,  the  exempla  are 
usually  followed  by  a  varying  form  of  request  that  the  auditors 
or  readers  benefit  by  the  tale  just  related.  Such  expressions 
as,  "  Let  us,  therefore,  turn  to  the  Lord  and  forsake  evil "  ; 
"  That  may  serve  as  an  example  for  us  " ;  or,  "  Lo,  we  may 
perceive  by  this,"  are  not  uncommon.  These  are,  however,  an 
entirely  natural  accompaniment  of  narratives  with  a  purpose. 

The  present  examination  of  the  Wulfstan  group  has  shown 
that  the  homilies  are  largely  concerned  with  making  the  Scrip- 

'*  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  exaggeration  was  not  a  willful  imposture 
on  the  part  of  the  clergy  at  this  time.  Probably  they  believed  to  a 
considerable  extent  the  wondrous  things  they  narrated.  The  Venerable 
Beda  himself  recounts  in  his  History  the  experience  of  one  who  returned 
from  the  dead.  This  account  vies  in  terror  not  only  with  the  exempla  in 
Wulfstan,  but  with  the  pictures  in  Dante's  Inferno,  to  which  it  has  a 
curious  resemblance ;  see  Eccl.  Hist.,  I,  287  seq. 

''^Homilies,  98,   174,  resp. 


44 

tures  bear  directly  upon  everyday  life,  and  that  the  style  is 
adapted  to  this  end.  The  exempla,  both  in  the  kind  selected 
and  in  the  manner  of  treatment,  express  the  simplicity  and  un- 
restrained ardor  of  popular  reformers.  Brief  and  familiar 
Biblical  incidents,  crudely  but  forcibly  stated,  point  out  the 
fearful  fate  of  the  evil-doer.'^®  A  small  number  of  non-Biblical 
exempla  of  a  kind  which  persisted  throughout  the  history  of  the 
type,  answers  the  same  purpose.  A  tone  of  exaggeration,  un- 
qualified by  literary  niceties,  pervades  them  all.  The  unfixed 
position  of  the  exempla,  and  the  virtual  absence  of  conventional 
features,  give  further  indication  that  Wulfstan  and  his  fol- 
lowers used  the  type  with  serious  motives,  never  merely  to 
follow  custom,  to  consume  time,  or  to  satisfy  the  popular  taste. 
From  the  Wulfstan  homilies  we  pass  to  the  collection,  largely 
of  the  twelfth  century,  known  as  the  Old  English  Homilies. 
In  the  opinion  of  Morris,  those  of  the  First  Series  possess  com- 
paratively little  originality,  but  are  made  up  from  Aelfric  and 
"  compilations  from  older  documents  of  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury."'''^ Three  of  the  Old  English  Homilies,  numbers  IX,  X, 
and  XXIV,  are,  as  he  points  out,  taken  substantially  from 
three  of  Aelfric's.  In  one  of  the  other  homilies,  number  XI, 
is  inserted  a  passage  drawn  from  another  of  Aelfric's.''^  The 
original  texts  of  the  remaining  homilies  have  not  been  found, 
but  Morris  believes  that  they  also  are  copied  from  older  docu- 
ments of  the  eleventh  century.  With  reference  to  the  Second 
Series,  he  concludes,  though  he  has  not  found  evidences  of 
transcription,  that  since  five  homilies  of  this  series  are  found 
also  in  the  manuscript  of  the  First  Series,  "  these,  if  not  many 
other  homilies  of  this  [Second]  series,  are  transcripts. "'^^  He 
further  states  that  most  of  them  were,  perhaps,  translated  from 

"  It  is  noteworthy  that  Sabbath-breaking  is  more  constantly  and  harshly 
dealt  with  than  any  other  evil  treated  in  this  collection. 

"  Old  English  Homilies,  edited  by  Richard  Morris,  First  Series,  preface, 
xi. 

"The  original  of  No.  IX  is  found  in  Thorpe's  Aelfric,  I,  311.  The  orig- 
inal of  No.  X  is  found  in  O.  E.  H.,  First  Series,  Appendix  II.  The  origi- 
nal of  No.  XXIV  is  found  in  Thorpe's  Aelfric,  I,  9.  The  original  of  the 
passage  in  No.  XI  is  found  in  Thorpe's  Aelfric,  I,  217. 

"  See  O.  E.  H.,  Second  Series,  preface,  vii. 


45 

Latin  homilies,  though  some  of  them  have  the  appearance  of 
original  compositions.^"  The  above  statements  lead  to  the  con- 
clusion that  the  Old  English  Homilies,  where  not  original, 
v^^ere  transcribed  from  earlier  English  homilies,  which,  in  turn, 
were  based  upon  still  earlier  Latin  homilies. 

Vollhardt  takes  a  different  position  with  reference  to  some 
of  the  homilies,  and  with  a  fair  degree  of  plausibility  advocates 
a  direct  late-Latin  source.  His  summary  is  as  follows : 
"  Several,  at  least,  of  our  homilies,  may  be  explained  by  the 
acceptation  of  some  late-Latin  model,  written  in  the  twelfth 
century ;  a  model  in  which  Augustinian  and  Gregorian  passages 
are  already  changed  and  worked  over  as  we  have  seen  in  the 
citations  of  the  English  homilies  before  us;  a  model  in  which, 
moreover,  literal  borrowings  from  Ambrosius,  Paulus  Dia- 
conus,  Ovid,  Horace,  have  found  favor.  All  these  requirements 
can,  in  my  opinion,  be  furnished  only  by  the  work  of  a  French 
or  Norman  clergyman,  not  that  of  an  Anglo-Saxon,  as  the  cita- 
tions from  Bernard  of  Clairvaux,  etc.,  have  shown  to  be  im- 
possible."*^ Vollhardt's  citations  of  parallel  passages  from  the 
Latin  homilies  of  Bernard  of  Clairvaux  and  Radulfus  Ardens, 
who  flourished  about  iioo,  make  it  seem  extremely  probable 
that  such  sources  were  used.  The  probability  is  increased 
when  we  consider  the  power  which  had  been  wielded  by  French 
clerics  in  England  since  the  middle  of  the  eleventh  century.*- 

What  conclusions,  then,  may  be  reached  as  to  the  composition 
of  the  Old  English  Homiliesf  In  my  opinion  there  seems  to 
have  been,  generally  speaking,  too  much  insistence  upon  whole- 
sale copying  from  single  sources,  and  not  enough  allowance 
made  for  originality  and  eclectic  borrowing  on  the  part  of  the 
homilists.  The  substantial  agreement  between  numbers  IX, 
X,  and  XXIV  of  the  present  collection  and  three  of  Aelfric's, 
warrants  a  practically  unqualified  conclusion.     But  when,  for 

""  O.  E.  H.  Sec.  Ser.,  preface,  ix. 

^  W.  Vollhardt,  Der  Einftuss  der  lateinischen  geistlichen  Litteratur  auf 
einige  kleinere  Schopfungen  der  englischen  Ubergangsperiode,  17. 

*^ "  A  man  might  now  [in  1051]  go  from  the  Straits  of  Dover  to  the 
Humber,  over  Kentish,  East-Saxon,  and  Danish  ground,  without  once 
in  the  course  of  his  journey  going  out  of  the  spiritual  jurisdiction  of 
Norman  prelates."     Freeman,  History  of  the  Norman  Conquest,  II,   159. 


46 

example,  one  homily  in  the  collection  has  a  passage  certainly 
borrowed  from  Aelfric;^^  another  homily  has  a  passage  almost 
certainly  taken  from  Gregory,  and  a  quotation  from  St. 
Ambrose  f^  another  has  a  passage  which  is  obviously  original  f^ 
and  still  another  contains  a  passage  which  has  an  almost  exact 
prototype  in  Bernard  of  Clairvaux  f^ — when  in  addition  to 
these  facts  we  remember  that  the  homilies  were  composed  by 
different  men  at  different  times,  it  seems  reasonable  to  believe 
that  the  homilies  are,  in  most  cases,  compilations  brought 
together  from  both  early  and  late  English  and  Latin  sources, 
with  frequent  interspersing  of  new  matter. 

In  the  collections  of  homilies  previously  discussed,  the 
exempla  have  been  a  part  of  these  additions.  The  great  sources, 
such  as  the  works  of  Jerome,  Augustine,  and  Beda,  which, 
together  with  the  writings  of  Gregory,  furnished  the  body  of 
mediaeval  sermons,  contained  very  few  exempla.  Even  in 
Gregory's  homihes,  exempla  were  confined  to  a  limited  number 
of  the  Homiliae  in  Evangelia.  So  the  exempla  in  the  Blick- 
ling,  Aelfric,  and  Wulfstan  collections,  were  mainly  English 
additions  to  the  classic  exposition.  But  the  employment  of  the 
type  in  these  collections  had  not  been  sufficient  to  exert  much 
influence  upon  succeeding  literature.  Nor  was  such  an  influ- 
ence exerted  by  the  homilies  of  French  writers  who  may  have 
contributed  something  to  the  Old  English  Homilies.^'^  More- 
over, the  stimulus  derived  from  the  translation  of  Gregory's 
Dialogues  had  become  weakened  by  the  lapse  of  time.  If, 
therefore,  exempla  were  to  appear  in  the  Old  English  Honvilies, 
they  would  apparently  be  due  rather  to  natural  impulse  than  to 
tradition  or  external  influence. 

*' O.  E.  H.  First  Series,   122;   cf.  Thorpe's  Aelfric,   I,   217. 

^ Ibid.,  Second  Series,   no;   cf.  Vollhardt,   op.   cit.,   16. 

*^  For  example,  the  following  denunciation  of  contemporary  priests : 
"  The  layman  honoreth  his  spouse  with  clothes  more  than  himself,  and 
the  priest  not  so  his  church,  which  is  his  spouse,  but  adorns  his  servant, 
who  is  his  whore,  with  clothes  more  than  himself.  The  church  cloths  are 
utterly  rent  and  old,  and  his  woman's  must  be  whole  and  new.  His  altar 
cloth  coarse  and  soiled,  and  her  chemise  fine  and  white."  O.  E.  H.,  Sec, 
Ser.,    1 62. 

*' See  Vollhardt,  op.  cit.,  13. 

"  See  Lecoy  de  la  Marche,  La  Chaire  frangaise,  1 1, 


47 

A  study  of  these  homilies  reveals  but  slight  traces  of 
exempla.  A  few  Biblical  narratives  are  used,  among  them 
certain  parables,  which  are  called  "  examples."  The  homily 
De  Natale  Domini,  for  instance,  begins,  "  Godalmihti  seij*  an 
forbisne  to  his  folk  in  ]7e  halie  godspel  and  sei]?;"^^  then  fol- 
lows the  parable  of  the  Good  Samaritan,  and  after  it  comes  a 
symbolical  explanation  of  the  main  elements.  Such  narratives 
are  recounted,  not  as  exempla,  but  as  bases  for  exposition, 
frequently  symbolical.  Cases  might  also  be  pointed  out  in 
which  Biblical  persons,  such  as  Moses,  Solomon,  Job,  Mary, 
and  David,  are  spoken  of  as  examples.  Mention  should  also  be 
made  of  a  small  number  of  curious  narrative  bits  which  are 
told  for  their  historical  rather  than  their  illustrative  signi- 
ficance.*® But  the  exemplum  is  wanting;  its  place  is  suppHed 
by  a  copious  use  of  figures  of  speech,  analogies,  and  occasional 
illustrations  from  bestiaries, — features  which  are  more  effec- 
tive than  the  more  cumbrous  exempla  for  the  clarification  of 
many  detailed  points. 

Whereas  the  main  aim  of  the  Wulfstan  homilies  is  to  exhort 
and  secondarily  to  explain,  the  reverse  is  true  of  the  present 
collection.  Symbolism,  which  seems  to  have  increased  in 
favor,  is  the  chief  means  of  exposition.  Closely  akin  to  this 
method  is  the  use  of  figures  of  speech  and  analogies.  These 
had  been  employed  frequently  in  standard  Latin  homilies  and 
patristic  writings,  and  to  a  certain  extent  in  the  earlier  English 
homilies.  But  there  is  a  notable  increase  here  in  the  amount  of 
attention  paid  to  similes,  metaphors,  and  analogies,  some  of 
which  are  really  elaborate.  An  interesting  case  in  point  may 
be  cited.  The  writer  states  that  men  fast  for  three  reasons, 
which  he  enumerates;  then  he  adds:  "The  example  (forbisen) 
of  the  washerwomen  enables  us  to  understand  this.  Some 
bear  soiled  clothing  to  the  water  to  wash  it  clean — so  fasteth 
the  sinful  man  to  cleanse  himself  of  his  foul  sins ;  others  bear 

^  O.  E.  H.,  First  Series^  79;  see  also  231,  244;  and  Sec.  Ser.,  155. 

**An  account  of  the  rescue  of  Jeremiah  from  the  miry  pit;  an  account 
from  the  Apocalypse,  of  the  fowl  which  flew  down  from  heaven  to  earth 
and  back ;  an  account  of  St.  Paul's  visit  to  hell.  See  O.  E.  H.,  First  Series, 
47,  81,  41,  resp. 


48 

clean  clothes  to  the  water  to  be  bleached,  so  that  they  may  be 
white — so  doth  the  righteous  man  to  please  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ.  .  .  .  Another  beareth  clean  clothes  and  fair  and  white 
— so  fasteth  the  holy  man,  to  be  high  in  heaven  and  to  be  near 
our  Lord,  and  for  to  have  perfect  bliss  with  him."^"  Numerous 
passages  of  this  kind,  indicating  much  naive  ingenuity  in  illus- 
trating moral  and  religious  observations,  might  be  cited.®^ 
Equally  noteworthy  are  the  bestiary  passages  and  the  compari- 
sons of  men  with  animals.  The  adder,  with  a  jewel  in  its  head, 
the  fox,  the  wolf,  the  bear,  the  lion,  great  and  little  fish,  are 
used  as  symbols  of  man.  Certain  men  are  also  likened  to  an 
apple,  rosy  outside  but  rotted  within ;  to  a  tree  that  beareth  leaf 
and  blossom  but  no  fruit.  A  number  of  the  figures  belong  dis- 
tinctly to  ecclesiastical  tradition;  such,  for  example,  is  the 
comparison  of  water  quenching  fire  with  almsdeeds  quenching 
sin;  or  the  likening  of  Christ's  entering  the  Virgin's  womb  to 
the  sun  shining  through  a  glass  window.^^  Other  illustrations 
are  of  a  more  homely,  unpoetic  nature.  "  Who  is  he  that  may 
water  the  horse  that  will  not  drink  himself?  "  asks  the  homilist. 
"  No  more  may  anyone  do  good  for  their  souls  who  in  this  life 
would  not  begin  to  do  good."^^  Again  he  asks,  "  How  may  the 
physician  heal  thee  whilst  the  iron  sticketh  in  the  wound? 
Never.  Neither  canst  thou  be  shriven  sufficiently  well  to  please 
God  Almighty,  unless  thou  forsake  all  thy  sins."®*  These 
analogies  are  hardly  of  argumentative  force,  but  undoubtedly 
they  were  illuminating  to  the  audiences  addressed,  and  perhaps 

»»  O.  E.  H.,  Sec.  Ser.,  56. 

^^  Ibid.,  First  Ser.,  22,   32,  80,   122,   158;   Sec.  Ser.,   150,  200. 

°^  This  idea  was  popular  in  Old  French  religious  lyrics,  and  at  a  later 
period  in  Middle  English  lyrics.  The  following  stanza  from  the  religious 
lyrics  of  Jacob   Ryman  is  characteristic : 

"  Seint   Anselme   seith :    '  So    Criste    did   pas 
Thurgh    Marie   myelde,    as   his    wille    was, 
As  the  Sonne  beame  goth  thurgh  the  glas, 
That   mayde    full    of   honoure." 

Die  Gedichte  des  Fransiskaners  Jakob  Ryman,  printed  in  Herrig's  Archiv, 
vol.  89,  p.  186;  see  also  pp.  187,  207. 

»^0.  E.  H.,  First  Ser.,  8-10. 

'^  Ibid.,   First   Ser.,   22. 


49 

even  convincing.  At  any  rate,  like  the  exempla  in  the  preced- 
ing homily  collections,  they  are  rarely,  if  ever,  merely  decora- 
tive, but  have  a  thoroughly  utilitarian  office.  By  means  of 
these  figures,  analogies,  and  symbolical  interpretations,  the 
doctrines  of  the  Church,  the  commandments,  the  mass,  the 
paternoster,  shrift,  penance,  and  many  Biblical  passages,  are 
explained.  But  the  writers  of  the  Old  English  Homilies  seem 
to  have  made  little  effort  to  interest  and  stimulate  their  audi- 
ences. The  use  of  the  exemplum,  which,  as  I  showed  earlier, 
depended  in  this  group  upon  natural  impulse,  is  negligible. 

The  remaining  collection,  the  Ormuliim,  represents  the 
uninspired  homiletic  literature  of  England  at  the  close  of  the 
twelfth  and  the  opening  of  the  thirteenth  century.  The  con- 
siderable fragment  extant  is  but  a  part  of  a  more  ambitious 
attempt  at  Scriptural  exegesis  than  had  hitherto  been  made  in 
English.^^  It  also  exhibits  a  lower  level  of  literary  interest, 
and  is  thoroughly  in  keeping  with  the  decadent  state  of  popular 
preaching  in  England  at  the  opening  of  the  thirteenth  century. 

A  glance  at  the  status  of  the  Church  at  this  time  helps  us  to 
comprehend  better  the  nature  of  the  Ormulum.  For  a  long 
time,  as  was  previously  indicated,^®  Norman  prelates  had  con- 
trolled Church  affairs  in  England.  These  dignitaries  were,  in 
most  cases,  thoroughly  worldly,  interested  in  their  lands, 
castles,  horses,  dogs,  and  little  concerned  with  what  their  sub- 
ordinates did  for  the  masses.^''  Vice,  misery  and  disease 
among  the  people  were  appalling ;  but  there  were  "  few  priests, 
and  these  were  frequently  but  ill-educated  to  cope  with  the 
difficulties  of  the  situation."*"^  Whatever  they  may  have  done 
in  other  matters,  it  is  certain  that  preaching  was  at  a  low  ebb. 
Jessop  states  the  situation  as   follows :  "  The  observance  of 

""The  work  undertook  a  series  of  homilies  for  nearly  the  whole  year; 
only  thirty-two  are  extant. 

^  See  above  p.  45,  note. 

"  The  passage  previously  quoted  (p.  46,  note)  from  the  Old  English 
Homilies,  relative  to  the  priest's  neglect  of  his  true  spouse,  the  Church,  and 
the  attention  paid  to  personal  matters  of  a  questionable  nature,  might  apply 
to  such  a  state  of  things.  On  this  point  see  J.  J.  Jusserand,  A  Literary 
History  of  the  English  People,  I,    162. 

*'  Father  Cuthbert,  The  Friars  and  how  they  came  to  England,  introd.,  4. 

5 


50 

Sunday  was  almost  universally  neglected.  .  .  .  Sermons  had 
become  so  rare  that  when  Eustace,  Abbot  of  Flai,  preached  in 
various  places  in  England  in  1200,  miracles  were  said  to  have 
ensued  as  the  ordinary  effects  of  his  eloquence. "^^  It  was  at 
this  time,  during  the  reign  of  King  John,  that  England  came 
under  an  interdict;  as  a  result,  the  churches  were  left  desolate 
and  in  large  districts  the  worship  of  God  came  to  an  end.^*"* 
Such  was  the  religious  situation  when  the  Ormulum  was  pro- 
duced. 

In  view  of  the  foregoing  facts,  it  is  not  at  all  surprising  that 
homiletic  literature  should  have  been  heavy  and  uninspiring. 
In  the  case  of  the  Ormulum,  two  vital  defects  are  responsible 
for  tediousness.  First,  the  homilies  are  almost  entirely  lack- 
ing in  originality.  The  writer  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
abreast  of  the  times  even  in  his  borrowing.  Although  the 
lighter  and  more  subtle  French  literary  forms  were  being 
utilized  in  general  English  literature,  and  later  Latin  sources 
had  been  drawn  upon  for  English  homilies,  Orm  clings  to 
Beda,  Gregory,  Josephus,  and  Isidor.^°^  Secondly,  the  bor- 
rowed material  is  treated  in  a  thoroughly  hackneyed  manner. 
After  opening  with  a  lengthy  paraphrase  of  a  Scriptural  pas- 
sage, the  writer  almost  invariably  proceeds  to  give  the  sym- 
bolical significance,  often  outdoing  his  predecessors  in  far- 
fetched explanations.  Salt,  stones,  grass,  smoke,  an  axe,  an 
ox  chewing  its  cud,  the  calf,^''- — in  short  every  little  detail  is 
made  to  signify  some  moral  or  religious  phase  of  human  life. 
Borrowing  of  antiquated  material,  therefore,  and  a  mechanical 
treatment  of  an  over-worked  method  of  exposition,  are  largely 
responsible  for  the  dullness  of  the  Ormulum. 

*'  Rev.  Augustus  Jessop,  The  Coming  of  the  Friars,  g. 

""See  Jessop,  op.  cit.,  31. 

"*  Dr.  Gregor  Sarrazin  sums  up  his  study  of  the  sources  of  the  Ormulum 
as  follows :  "  Das  resultat  dieser  untersuchung  ist  das  folgende :  die  haupt- 
quelle  des  Orrmulum  ist  Beda,  daneben  sind  die  homilien  Gregors  des 
grossen  benutzt,  vielleicht  auch  Josephus'  und  Isidors  schriften.  Von  einer 
directen  benutzung  Augustins,  Hieronymus',  oder  Aelfrics  ist  dagegen  nichts 
zu   entdecken."     Uber   die   Quellen   des   Orrmulum,   26. 

"'  The  way  in  which  Orm  carried  symbolism  to  the  extent  of  absurdity  is 
suggested  in  the  following  line:  "He  [Christ]  was  tacnedd  JJurrh  }?e  calif; 
forr  he  wass  uppo  rode."     Ormulum,  1,  207. 


51 

Orm  did  not  seem  to  realize  the  tediousness  of  his  dis- 
courses ;  at  any  rate  he  never  apologized  for  it,  nor  relieved 
it  by  illustrations  of  an  entertaining  nature.  The  term 
"example"  (bisen)  frequently  appears,  in  connection  with 
some  person  like  St.  Paul  or  Christ,"^  who  are  spoken  of  as 
"  good  examples  " ;  or  in  connection  with  some  Biblical  narra- 
tive which  is  the  subject  of  discourse.^"*  Both  of  these  uses 
of  the  term  have  been  noted  in  the  discussion  of  the  Old 
English  Homilies.  Orm,  apparently,  had  no  feeling  for  the 
exemplum. 

We  may  now  rapidly  review  the  exemplum  as  it  has  appeared 
in  English  up  to  the  opening  of  the  thirteenth  century.  It  has 
been  found  that  Biblical  exempla  were  predominant  and  that 
the  use  of  illustrative  tales  was  confined  to  homiletic  literature, 
with  the  exception  of  Alfred's  translations  of  Gregory's  Cura 
Pastoralis  and  the  Consolatio  Philosophiae  of  Boethius.  It  was 
in  these  two  works  that  the  exemplum  made  its  first  appearance 
in  English  literature.  In  the  case  of  the  Pastoral  Care,  the 
narratives,  usually  short  Biblical  passages,  were  literally  trans- 
lated. In  the  Consolatio,  the  translator  found  not  only  Bibli- 
cal episodes  but  also  historical  and  mythological  incidents, 
which  he  amplified  and  made  more  vital,  thereby  stamping  the 
type  with  his  approval.  In  addition  to  this,  Alfred  was  respon- 
sible for  the  chief  influence  upon  exempla  during  the  period, — 
Bishop  Werferth's  translation  of  the  Dialogues  of  Gregory. 

Although  the  translation  of  the  Dialogues  probably  antedated 
somewhat  the  Blickling  Homilies,  it  is  very  doubtful  if  the 
former  influenced  the  latter  to  any  great  extent.  These  homi- 
lies contain  few  exempla ;  four  distinct  cases  were  noted,  two 
of  which  represent  long-lasting  themes.  With  Aelfric's  homi- 
lies the  use  of  exempla  became  well  marked.  Here,  besides  a 
considerable  number  of  Biblical  narratives,  there  are  an  even 
greater  number  of  non-Biblical  tales.  The  majority  of  these 
are  taken  from  Gregory's  Dialogues,  but  the  Vitae  Patrum, 
legends  of  the  Virgin,  and  Beda's  Ecclesiastical  History  are 

^^  Ormuhtm,   1,    183,    194,   230,   279,   315;   II,   23,   24,   27,    112,    113,   331, 
Christ  is  most  often  pointed  out  as  an  example. 
***  See  ibid.,  I,  226,  et  passim. 


52 

also  used.  The  exempla  are,  moreover,  usually  complete 
narratives,  and  have,  in  the  main,  the  conventional  features  of 
the  type  in  its  flourishing  period.  In  spite  of  the  indications  of 
conventionality,  however,  the  exemplum  is  here,  as  elsewhere 
throughout  the  period,  thoroughly  serious  and  practical. 

The  writers  of  the  Wulfstan  group  no  doubt  took  sugges- 
tions from  their  predecessors.  Here  too,  exempla  are  fre- 
quently employed,  but  the  number  of  Biblical  narratives  in 
these  homilies  outnumbers  the  non-Biblical.  This  has  been 
explained  as  the  practical  adaptation  of  convenient  and  authori- 
tative illustrative  matter  by  zealous  reformers  who  lacked  the 
literary  taste  of  Aelfric.  We  found  that  the  exempla  used  by 
these  men,  though  strikingly  forceful,  were  crude  in  con- 
struction, and  in  most  cases  unconventionally  treated. 

It  has  been  noted  that  the  Old  English  Homilies  fell  in  a 
period  when  preaching  in  England  was  becoming  almost  uni- 
versally neglected.  They  consist  of  compilations  from  early 
and  late  English  and  Latin  sources,  with  some  admixture  of 
original  passages.  None  of  the  sources  drawn  upon  furnished 
a  strong  influence  for  the  use  of  exempla,  but  each  one  empha- 
sized symbolical  interpretations,  figures  of  speech,  and  analogies. 
These  were  constantly  used  in  the  Old  English  Homilies  and 
were,  no  doubt,  better  suited  than  exempla  to  the  detailed 
explanations  which  characterize  the  group.  The  virtual  dis- 
appearance of  the  exemplum  from  these  homilies  suggested 
that  the  use  of  illustrative  narratives  in  religious  literature 
might  not  after  all  be  so  obvious  and  natural  a  device,  but  that 
anything  like  a  systematic  use  of  exempla  must  be  a  product  of 
literary  tradition,  or  of  a  strong  immediate  influence  from 
without. 

This  conclusion  was  strengthened  by  the  absence  of  exempla 
from  the  Ormulum,  which  with  its  dry,  unrelieved  paraphrases, 
and  time-worn  symbolical  expositions,  indicates  the  decadence 
of  English  preaching  at  the  close  of  the  twelfth  century.  The 
earlier  influences  which  had  made  for  an  extensive  use  of  the 
exemplum  had  become  weakened  by  the  lapse  of  time,  and 
although  it  is  quite  likely  that  illustrative  narratives  were 
occasionally  employed,  any  considerable  usage  depended  upon 


53 

a  revival.  Such  a  revival  came,  influenced  by  the  growing 
popularity  of  saints'  lives,  and  encouraged  by  the  preaching 
friars.  But,  as  I  shall  attempt  to  show  in  the  next  chapter,  the 
flourishing  period  of  exempla  in  the  vernacular  was  preceded 
in  England  by  a  growth  of  the  type  in  Latin,  under  the  influ- 
ence of  Continental  churchmen. 


CHAPTER  III 
The  Latin  Exemplum  in  England 

We  have  noted  that  the  use  of  illustrative  tales  in  English 
literature  to  the  end  of  the  tw^elfth  century  was  confined  to 
sermons,  and  that  even  there,  at  the  close  of  that  period,  such 
tales  were  only  occasionally  employed.  The  practice  had  been 
born  of  foreign,  not  native  impulse.  When  the  revival  of  the 
exemplum  came,  and  use  of  the  type  was  extended  beyond  the 
sermon,  foreign  influence  was  again  responsible. 

As  has  already  been  stated,  the  coming  of  the  friars  to  Eng- 
land^ gave  a  great  impulse  to  the  popularization  of  moral  and 
religious  literature,  but  before  that  time  the  exemplum  in  Eng- 
land was  spreading  in  the  Latin  works  of  men  who  had  mingled 
with  Continental  churchmen.  Those  curious  miscellanies  of 
the  twelfth  century,  such  as  John  of  Salisbury's  Polycraticus, 
Walter  Map's  De  Nugis  Curialium,  and  Gervase  of  Tilbury's 
Otia  Impcrialia,  were  preparing  for  the  later  vogue  of  illus- 
trative tales.  A  little  later,  in  the  last  quarter  of  the  twelfth 
century,  Alexander  Neckam's  De  Naturis  Rerum  employs 
them,  and  at  the  opening  of  the  thirteenth  century,  Giraldus 
Cambrensis  in  his  Gemma  Ecdesiastica  makes  so  copious  a 
use  of  monkish  tales  that  the  work  is  really  an  example-book. 
Finally,  in  the  Latin  sermons  of  Odo  de  Ceritona,  which  were 
written  before  1219,^  exempla  are  strikingly  prominent.  These 
representative  writers  were  men  who  had  lived  and  studied  on 
the  Continent,  especially  in  France,^  and  had  imbibed  the  cleri- 
cal taste  for  illustrative  tales  and  fables,  which  were  circulating 
among  Continental  churchmen. 

John  of  Salisbury's  Polycraticus,  or  De  Nugis  Curialium* 

*  The   Dominicans  came  in   1221,  and  the  Franciscans   in   1224. 
'  bee  Hervieux,  Les  FabuHstes,  IV,  46. 

*  It  will  be  remembered  that  the  "  English  Nation  "  was  famous  in  the 
University   of   Paris   during  the   twelfth  century. 

*  Edited    by    Migne,    Patr.   Lat.,    CXCIX. 

54 


55 

written  shortly  after  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century,  con- 
sists of  eight  books  which,  in  treating  of  the  nature  of  men  and 
affairs,  are  replete  with  illustrative  incidents  from  Greek  and 
Roman  history  and  mythology,  the  Bible,  the  Latin  poets,  and 
widely  scattered  historical  gleanings.  Often  a  story  of  con- 
siderable length  is  used  to  illustrate  a  general  observation. 
For  instance,  after  speaking  generally  about  the  extremes  to 
which  hunger  will  reduce  people,  John  of  Salisbury  says,  "  Sed 
quid  opus  est  per  haec  pondus  famis  illius  explicare  cum 
gestum  sit  ibi  facinus,  quod  neque  apud  Graecos,  neque  apud 
barbaros,  ullus  accepit  auditus?"  Then  he  relates  a  story  of  a 
woman  who,  driven  to  desperation  by  hunger,  ate  her  own  son.^ 
Again,  the  writer  maintains  that  flatterers  should  be  punished, 
and  in  illustration  of  various  phases  of  the  subject  he  cites 
episodes  from  the  lives  of  Aristippus,  Metellus,  Xenophon, 
Diogenes,  Alexander,  Caesar,  and  others.®  In  another  place 
he  makes  his  point  concrete  by  recalling  an  incident  which 
occurred  during  the  reign  of  Edward  the  Confessor.'^  The 
episode  of  Brennus  from  Roman  History^  is  another  repre- 
sentative illustration,  typical  of  the  matter  in  this  curious 
mosaic  of  general  observation,  learning,  and  narrative.  The 
exempla  are  comparatively  few  and  briefly  told,  but  they  show 
that  the  type  existed  in  the  Latin  literature  of  the  time. 

Walter  Map's  De  Nugis  Curialium  is  similar  in  general  plan 
t6  its  more  serious  forerunner  of  the  same  title.  It  was  written 
considerably  later,  however,  probably  between  1182-89,"  and  is 
much  richer  in  monkish  anecdotes  and  legendary  tales.  These 
are  scattered  through  the  five  "  Distinctiones  "  into  which  the 
treatise  is  divided.  A  brief  outline  of  the  sections  may  be  use- 
ful, (i)  Map  compares  the  English  court  to  the  infernal 
regions,  drawing  pictures  of  such  persons  as  Tantalus  and 
Sisyphus;  narrates  stories  of  the  follies  and  crimes  of  the 
court;  tells  monastic  tales;  gives  accounts  of  the  origins  of 

^  Polycratictis,  423. 

''Ibid.,   506. 

''Ibid.,   598. 

^Ibid.,    612. 

•  Gualteri  Mapes  De  Nugis   Curialium,   preface,    ix-x. 


56 

monkish  orders,  Templars,  and  Hospitallers,  with  reflections 
on  their  corruption ;  attacks  the  Cistercians ;  discusses  various 
heretical  sects;  and  closes  with  a  tale  of  three  hermits.  (2) 
The  second  opens  with  tales  of  pious  monks  and  hermits  and 
their  miracles;  then  follow  some  anecdotes  illustrative  of 
Welsh  manners ;  the  section  closes  with  a  collection  of  curious 
fairy  legends.  (3)  The  third  consists  of  four  fairly  long 
stories  of  a  romantic  nature :  de  societate  Sadii  et  Galonis,  de 
contrarietafe  Parti  et  Lausi,  de  Ransone  et  ejus  uxore,  de 
Rollone  et  ejus  uxore.  (4)  The  fourth  contains  the  Dissuasio 
Valerii  ad  Rufinum  philosophum  ne  uxorem  ducat,  and  a 
number  of  tales  and  legends  of  both  popular  and  historical 
interest.  (5)  The  last  section  consists  of  several  English  his- 
torical traditions  dealing  with  Earl  Godwin  and  Cnut,  and  a 
sketch  of  the  English  court  from  the  reign  of  William  Rufus 
to  that  of  Henry  H.  The  work  was  avowedly  written  to  show 
the  strenuous  and  involved  existence  of  a  courtier,^"  but  how 
seldom  the  writer  strayed  into  that  particular  field  may  be 
judged  by  a  glance  over  the  foregoing  outline. 

The  book  has  for  us  a  special  interest,  not  merely  because 
it  uses  illustrative  tales,  but  also  because  it  shows  thus  early 
in  England  the  tendency  to  collect  monkish  stories,  which  were 
evidently  already  circulating  among  churchmen,  and  to  com- 
pile other  legendary  incidents  which  were  to  furnish  stock  in 
trade  for  the  preachers  and  moralists  of  a  later  day.  The 
following  exemplum,  which  Map  uses  to  illustrate  the  con- 
stancy of  the  early  Templars,  is  typical  of  the  monkish  legends 
in  his  treatise. 

"  Quiddam  Mirabile 
Circa  tempus  idem,  clericus  quidam  a  Sarracenis  sagittabatur  ut  negaret. 
Quidam  autem  qui  negaverat  astans  inproperabat  ei  quod  stulte  crederet,  et 
ad  singulos  ictus  aiebat,  '  Estne  bonum?  '  Ille  nihil  contra.  Cumque  videret 
ejus  constantiam,  uno  sibi  caput  amputavit  ictu,  dicens,  'Estne  bonum?' 
Caput  autem  resectum  cum  proprio  ore  loquens  intulit,  '  Nunc  bonum  est.'  "■ 

Map  then  continues :  "  Haec  et  his  similia  primitis  contigerunt 
Templaribus,  dum  Domini  caritas  et  mundi  vilitas  inerat.    Ut 
autem  caritas  viluit,  et  invaluit  opulentia,  prorsus  alias  audi- 
^'' De  Nugis  Curialium,  preface,  x. 


57 

vimus  quas  et  subjiciemus  fabulas ;  at  et  prius  eorum  primos  a 
paupertate  motus  audiantur.""  Immediately  following  this  is 
another  tale  which  relates  how  a  certain  knight  named  Hameri- 
cus  set  out  for  a  tournament,  but  hearing  the  morning  bell  of  a 
religious  house  he  parted  from  his  companions  to  hear  mass, 
thinking  to  follow  them  shortly.  After  mass  he  unwittingly 
strays  into  a  by-path  which  brings  him  at  night  back  to  the  place 
of  worship.  This  is  repeated  on  the  next  day.  On  the  third  day 
a  hermit  guides  him  to  his  companions,  who  joyously  greet  him 
with  congratulations.  He  is  much  surprised  and  suspects  ridi- 
cule. Upon  calling  aside  a  close  friend,  however,  he  learns 
that  the  enemy  has  been  turned  back  because  of  their  wonder  at 
his  own  prowess.  He  then  comprehends  that  a  miracle  has 
been  wrought  and  that  divine  service  has  accomplished  more 
than  feats  of  arms,  so  he  thereafter  devotes  himself  and  his 
possessions  to  the  service  of  God  and  the  Templars. ^- 

Among  other  incidents  relating  to  holy  men,  the  second  sec- 
tion contains  six  accounts  of  apparitions  and  four  of  prodigies, 
all  of  the  last  involving  moral  or  religious  situations.  One 
of  them,  for  example,  which  appears  in  the  so-called  Chronicle 
of  Turpin,  tells  of  a  man  who  left  his  goods  to  a  cleric  with 
directions  to  distribute  them  among  the  poor.  But  the  cleric 
failed  in  his  duty  and  was  warned  that  at  a  certain  time  he 
would  be  snatched  into  the  air  by  demons.  Although  he  sur- 
rounded himself  by  a  great  army  of  soldiers,  at  the  stated  time 
he  was  torn  away  into  the  air  and  later  dashed  to  pieces  on  the 
rocks.^* 

A  number  of  the  legends  in  the  third  section  are  common  in 
mediaeval  exemplum  collections ;  the  following  are  typical 
themes :  a  prodigal  young  man  is  restored  to  fortune  by  making 
a  compact  with  the  devil ;  a  man  disregards  three  warnings  of 
death  and  meets  a  terrible  fate ;  a  pious  painter  meets  with 
favor  at  the  hands  of  the  Virgin.^*     Map  rarely  drew  the  moral 

^De   Niigis   Curialium,    31. 

"^Ihid.,   31. 

^^De  Nugis  Curialium,   105. 

^*  Ibid.,  154-5-6.  Cf.  Wright's  Latin  Stories,  13,  34,  35,  resp.  The  Three 
Warnings  of  Death  appears  in  Bromyard's  Sumtna  Praedicantium,  under 
the    title,    "  Mors." 


58 

in  connection  with  his  tales,  but  being  a  churchman  he  no  doubt 
anticipated  their  beneficial  effects. 

The  Otia  Imperialia,^^  a  work  of  a  younger  contemporary  of 
Map,  Gervase  of  Tilbury,  should  be  mentioned  here,  not  be- 
cause it  is  rich  in  exempla,  but  because  it  further  indicates 
the  vogue  of  corrective,  entertaining  and  instructive  mis- 
cellanies. The  list  of  sources  drawn  upon  for  this  work 
numbers  seventy-five  items.^®  It  was  written,  according  to  J. 
A.  Sandys,  about  121 1,  for  the  amusement  of  the  German 
Emperor,  Otto  IV  ;^^  at  any  rate,  it  is  calculated  to  entertain 
and  instruct  rather  than  to  reform.  An  occasional  tale,  such 
as  No.  XVIII,  "  De  visione  portarum  inferni,"  or  No.  CXXIX, 
"  De  fonte,  qui  nihil  sordidum  admittit,"  might  well  be  used 
to  point  a  moral.  But  the  work  consists  almost  wholly  in 
descriptions  and  accounts  of  natural  phenomena  and  wonders 
of  the  world. 

Alexander  Neckam's  similar  and  slightly  earlier  work,  De 
Naturis  Rerum,  makes  considerable  use  of  exempla.  This 
book,  it  would  appear  from  John  of  Bromton's  Chronicle, 
was  well  known  at  the  end  of  the  twelfth  century.^^  Neckam, 
like  the  other  writers  mentioned  in  this  chapter,  had  been  in 
contact  with  foreign  scholars  and  churchmen ;  in  fact,  he  was 
for  a  time  a  professor  in  the  University  of  Paris.^®  Later,  he 
held  an  ecclesiastical  office  in  England  until  his  death  in  1217. 

De  Naturis  Rerum  is,  as  may  be  remembered,  a  compilation 
from  such  sources  as  Solinus,  Cassiodorus,  Aristotle,  Pliny, 
Vergil,  Lucan,  Martial,  Bernard  Silvester,  Ovid,  Boethius,  St. 
Augustine,  Juvenal,  the  Bible,  ancient  history,  traditions, 
mythology,  and  contemporary  superstitions.  Of  particular 
significance  for  the  present  investigation  is  the  use  to  which 
exempla  are  put  to  explain  and  illustrate  the  nature  of  animals 
and  natural  phenomena.  Neckam's  scholarly  pursuits  and 
clerical  learning  had  brought  him  into  contact  with  exempla, 

'"^  Des    Gervasius   von    Tilbury    Otia   Imperialia,    in    einer   Auswahl   neu 
herausgegeben,  Felix  Liebrecht,  Hannover,   1856, 
"  Ibid.,  preface,  xi-xii,  note. 

^''Cambridge  History  of  English  Literature,  I,  213. 
"  See  De  Naturis  Rerum,  preface,  xiii— xiv. 
^^  Ibid.,  preface,  x. 


59 

which,  as  I  have  shown,  were  already  circulating.  These 
enabled  him  to  add  a  number  of  excellent  moral  touches  to  his 
treatise, — an  addition  which  no  true  mediaeval  writer  would 
forego. 

The  exempla,  though  not  very  numerous,  are  of  no  little  im- 
portance in  that  they  appear  in  a  treatise  on  natural  history. 
I  shall  cite  only  the  more  important  ones,  which  show  Neckam's 
purpose  in  introducing  them,  and  represent  the  kinds  of  tales 
employed.  After  speaking  about  the  dangers  of  the  sea  and 
the  bravery  of  sailors,  he  illustrates  and  confirms  the  discus- 
sion by  telling  a  story,  on  the  authority  of  eye-witnesses,^**  of 
a  man  who  used  to  cross  the  "mare  Britannicum"  with  only 
his  dog  to  help  him.  In  another  place  he  illustrates  the  nobility 
of  the  horse  by  narrating  how  Broiefort  aided  his  master  Ogier 
the  Dane  in  conquering  the  Saracens  at  the  siege  of  Meaux.^^ 
A  marginal  note  opposite  this  tale  runs,  "  De  commedatione 
equorum  et  exemplum  de  Ogero."  In  some  cases  he  draws  a 
moral  (instructio  moralis)  after  the  narrative.  For  example, 
he  writes  that  the  birds  once  assembled  to  choose  a  king,  and 
decided  to  confer  that  honor  upon  that  bird  which  should  fly 
highest.  The  wren  hid  under  the  eagle's  wing  and  just  as  the 
latter  was  about  to  claim  the  award,  the  wren  hopped  upon  the 
head  of  the  rightful  victor.-^  This  little  tale,  Neckam  points 
out  at  some  length,  shows  how  some  people  wrongfully  rise  to 
high  honors  and  rewards  by  the  labors  of  others.  The 
moralist  supplants  the  naturalist. 

None  of  the  tales  above  mentioned  are  common  in  collections 
of  exempla,  but  certain  others  appear  again  and  again  in  later 
compilations.  There  are  three  of  these:  (i)  the  knight  and 
the  lion.  In  Neckam's  version  the  knight  rescues  the  lion  from 
a  serpent  and  in  order  to  escape  from  the  grateful  beast's 
companionship  he  betakes  himself  to  the  sea;  the  lion  tries  to 
follow  and  is  drowned.'^     This  tale,  he  points  out,  exemplifies 

^De    Naturis   Rerutn,    141.     "  Relatu    eorum    qui    testimonium    de    visu 
perhibuerunt." 
'^Ibid.,  261. 
''Ibid.,  122. 
^  Ibid.,    229. 


60 

gratitude.  (2)  The  knight  and  his  three  sons.  A  noble 
knight  with  a  depraved  wife  had  three  sons.  Shortly  before 
his  death  he  called  his  feudal  lord  and  asked  him  to  select  one 
of  his  sons  as  his  successor.  After  the  knight's  death,  the  lord, 
realizing  the  infidelity  of  the  wife,  determined  to  make  a  test 
which  would  discover  to  him  the  true  son.  He  therefore  pro- 
posed to  the  boys  that  they  find  who  can  inflict  the  deepest 
wound  upon  the  dead  body  of  their  father.  Two  of  the  sup- 
posed sons  made  their  most  powerful  thrusts  but  the  third 
refused  to  compete  in  the  mutilation  of  his  father's  body ;  he 
was  selected  as  the  lawful  heir.^*  (3)  The  fate  of  a  glutton. 
The  Count  of  Pons-Ysarae  was  a  good  man  except  for  glut- 
tony. One  day  after  his  death,  his  virtuous  son  with  a  party 
of  friends  visited  the  Count's  tomb.  Upon  removing  the  top, 
they  found  a  loathsome  toad  clinging  to  the  neck  through  which 
so  much  rich  food  had  passed.-^  Much  moralizing  follows 
this  tale,  which,  like  the  other  two,  was  a  favorite  with  later 
teachers  of  right-living.  The  appearance  of  exempla  in  this 
secular  compendium  is  of  considerable  importance  in  indicat- 
ing their  presence  and  favor  among  the  Latin  writers  at  the 
close  of  the  twelfth  century. 

The  next  work  which  we  shall  consider  deals  with  a  subject 
more  closely  related  to  exempla.  It  is  the  Gemma  Ecclesi- 
astical'^ of  the  influential  churchman,  Giraldus  Cambrensis. 
The  book  was  probably  written  at  Lincoln  between  1196-99^^ 
and  was  presented  by  the  author  to  Pope  Innocent  III  who  was 
implored  by  bishops  and  cardinals  for  a  loan  of  the  manu- 
script. The  Pope  valued  it  so  highly,  however,  that  he  would 
not  let  it  be  taken  away.^*  This  much-treasured  work  was  a 
treatise  on  the  sacraments  of  the  Church,  ecclesiastical  abuses, 
and  matters  pertaining  to  clerical  discipline,  interspersed  with  a 
great  number  of  exempla.     Giraldus'  introductory  words  to  the 

^  De  Naturis  Rermn,  313. 

'^bid.,  334. 

^^  Giraldi  Cambrensis  Opera,  II. 

"See   ibid.,   VII,    168. 

^  Gemma,  Brewer's  preface,  ix-x. 


61 

clergy  are  so  suggestive  of  the  status  of  exempla  at  the  time 
that  I  venture  to  quote  at  some  length. 

"  It  is  not  altogether  undeserving  of  your  praise  and  gratitude,  that  out 
of  ponderous  volumes,  where,  owing  to  the  diffuseness  of  the  authors, 
it  is  not  easy  to  find  what  is  more  worthy  and  elegant,  I  have  collected 
into  a  small  compass  all  that  savored  of  sounder  sense  and  was  more 
adapted  to  your  spiritual  weal,  and  have  made  a  compendium  out  of  the 
waste  and  luxuriance  of  other  men.  My  task  is  that  of  the  man  who  from 
the  innumerable  sands  on  the  seashore  picks  out  with  much  labor  the 
precious  gems ;  or  who  selects  as  he  walks  through  spacious  gardens  from 
the  foolish  and  fruitless  herbs  the  useful  and  the  virtuous,  separating  the 
lilies  and  roses  from  the  nettles  and  brambles." 

"  The  subject  of  my  book  falls  under  two  heads,  one  of  precept,  the 
other  of  example.  For,  as  Jerome  tells  us :  '  Long  and  tedious  is  the  way 
that  leads  by  precept ;  commodious  and  brief  is  the  way  that  leads  by 
example.'^  So,  from  the  legends  of  the  holy  Fathers,  of  which  very  few 
copies  are  to  be  found  among  you  of  Wales,  and  from  the  faithful  nar- 
ratives of  ancient  and  of  more  recent  times,  I  have  compiled,  with  a  view  to 
your  imitation,  some  things  which  will  be  not  unserviceable  to  you.  To 
the  words  of  instruction  I  have  subjoined  examples  in  suitable  places,  that 
as  from  the  perusal  of  the  former  you  may  gain  learning,  from  the  latter 
you  may  derive  consolation  and  be  provoked  to  emulation." 

"  I  am  well  aware,  that  to  learned  ears  and  fastidious  readers,  to  whom 
all  these  things  are  trite  and  common,  my  work  will  appear  either  tedious 
or  superfluous.  But  I  would  have  such  men  understand  that  this  work  is 
intended  exclusively  for  my  own  country  of  Wales  ;  and  it  is  therefore  set 
forth  in  phrase  and  matter  intelligible  and  unrefined,  without  rhetorical 
ornament.  I  aim  at  being  perspicuous,  no  more.  But  if,  perchance,  this 
work  of  mine,  transgressing  the  limits  prescribed  to  it,  should  flit  across  the 
Marches,  fall  into  the  hands  of  great  ones,  and  presumptuously  intrude  upon 
the  eyes  of  the  learned,  let  such  readers  know  that  I  prefer  to  set  before 
them  what  they  may  consider  superfluous  than  to  withhold  from  my  country- 
men what  I  deem  to  be  necessary."^" 

The  fact  that  Giraldus,  when  seeking  advancement,  chose  a 
copy  of  this  book  rather  than  an}i:hing  else  to  present  to  the 
great  Innocent  III,  suggests  that  the  apology  was  conventional, 

^  The  term  "  examples  "  here,  as  with  Gregory,  the  Knight  of  La  Tour 
Landry  (see  above,  pp.  ii,  14,  resp.),  and  others,  seems  to  refer  to  the  actual 
deeds  of  men,  but  unquestionably  these  writers  had  in  mind  the  narrations 
of  such  deeds,  since  they  invariably  proceed  to  cite  exempla. 

^  Gemma,  xi-xii.  I  have  used  the  editor's  translation  of  this  passage, 
making  a  change  in  the  last  sentence  of  the  second  paragraph  where  he 
interchanged   "  former  "    and   "  latter." 


62 

rather  than  sincere.^^  However  that  may  be,  his  statements 
as  to  the  method  of  selecting  these  "  precious  gems  "  from  the 
"  innumerable  sands,"  his  implication  that  at  least  a  "  very  few 
copies  "  of  the  patristic  legends  could  be  found  even  in  Wales 
at  the  time,  his  recommendation  of  the  serviceableness  of 
exempla,  are  pertinent  observations  on  the  presence  and  favor 
of  the  type  among  the  learned  at  the  opening  of  the  thirteenth 
century. 

We  may  now  turn  to  the  book  itself,  which  is  divided  into 
two  parts.  The  first  treats  in  a  familiar  manner  of  matters, 
small  and  great,  which  presented  everyday  problems  to  the 
clergy,  such  as  the  administration  of  the  eucharist,  extreme 
unction,  the  mass,  confession,  the  ornamentation  of  the  church, 
the  enjoining  of  penance,  and  kindred  topics.  The  second  part 
deals  with  matters  of  conduct  and  of  contemporary  clerical 
abuses.  In  both  parts  a  voluminous  mass  of  tales  and  anec- 
dotes is  used  to  illustrate  and  confirm  the  text;  twenty-eight 
anecdotes,^^  for  instance,  support  the  single  point  of  ignorance 
among  the  clergy.  Giraldus  takes  his  narratives  from  a  variety 
of  sources,  such  as  the  Vitae  Patrum,  the  Dialogues  of 
Gregory,  saints'  lives,  and  historical  compends  f^  but  what  dis- 
tinguishes the  exempla  particularly  is  the  number  of  con- 
temporary instances  of  which  the  writer  either  knew  directly 
or  had  heard.  These  not  only  add  to  the  charm  of  the  treatise 
but  must  also  have  increased  its  convincing  quality. 

Practically  the  whole  body  of  illustrations  deals  with  ecclesi- 
astical affairs.  The  use  of  purely  secular  incidents  is  a  later 
tendency  in  the  history  of  the  exemplum.  In  order  to  indicate 
the  tone  which  pervades  the  narratives,  I  give  herewith  a  few 
themes  taken  almost  at  random.  After  speaking  of  the  value 
and  sanctity  of  the  eucharist,  the  writer  recalls  four  incidents 
which  are  in  substance  as  follows:  Maurice,  Bishop  of  Paris, 
reproved  the  Canons  of  St.  Victor  for  offering  him  on  his 
death-bed  unconsecrated  wafers,  in  the  belief  that  he  was  too 

^  He  also  presented  a  copy  to  the  Lincoln  Cathedral  Library ;  see  ed.  cit., 
VII,    i68. 

"Gemma,   341    seq. 

^  It  is  to  be  noted  that  Biblical  exempla  were  less  and  less  frequently 
employed   as   monkish   tales   multiplied   and   became   more   available. 


63 

far  gone  to  realize  the  deception.^*  The  writer  saw  in  Paris 
an  Englishman,  Richard  de  Aubry,  who  was  unable  on  his 
death-bed  to  take  into  his  mouth  the  viaticum  because  he  had 
not  believed  in  transubstantiation.^^  At  the  suggestion  of  the 
devil,  a  woman  waited  to  take  from  the  mouth  of  the  dying 
Urban  III  the  viaticum  which  he  had  been  unable  to  swallow.^' 
Pope  Gerbert,  when  he  should  have  held  up  the  host  in  the 
service,  used  to  turn  his  back  to  the  audience  and  drop  the 
burden  into  a  sack  suspended  from  his  neck.  When  he  con- 
fessed to  this  deception,  a  rule  was  made  requiring  the  pope  to 
face  the  audience  when  he  officiated.  Gerbert,  in  penitence 
for  this  and  other  offences  of  his  early  life,  mutilated  himself. 
It  is  said  that  in  consequence  of  this  his  marble  tomb  sweats 
blood  at  the  impending  death  of  the  reigning  pontiff.^^  Brief 
anecdotes  of  this  kind  are  sprinkled  plentifully  through  the 
book. 

Besides  such  colorless  stories,  there  are  a  considerable  num- 
ber which,  though  told  in  a  serious  manner  and  with  a  serious 
purpose,  are  pleasantly  absurd.  For  instance,  in  connection 
with  transubstantiation,  Giraldus  tells  of  a  contemporary  Ger- 
man who  for  some  reason  put  the  pix  in  a  hollow  tree.  Later 
it  was  found  surrounded  by  a  little  ornamented  wax  temple 
which  the  bees  had  made  for  it.^®  The  lesson  of  honoring  the 
holy  paraphernalia  is  clear  and  would  no  doubt  sink  deep  into 
the  hearts  of  a  thirteenth  century  audience.  It  is  quite  prob- 
able that  Giraldus  himself  was  not  altogether  incredulous  of 
some  of  the  strange  accounts  that  came  to  his  notice.^®  For 
example,  he  states  that  he  has  heard  it  for  a  fact — "  Ego  etiam 
de  quodam  verissime  audivi " — that  a  man  who  had  unwittingly 
swallowed  a  spider  in  the  sacramental  wine  was  relieved  three 

'*  Gemma,   32. 

""Ibid.,  33. 

^"Ibid.,  34. 

^'Ibid.,   34. 

^Ibid.,  42. 

^  J.  F.  Dimock,  in  his  preface  to  the  Topographia  Hibernica  (ed.  cit.,  V. 
Ixvii),  says,  "  He  [Giraldus]  was  almost  as  credulous  as  he  was  vain  and 
pompous,  exactly  the  man  that  a  joker  would  fix  upon  as  fair  and  first-rate 
game." 


64 

days  later  by  scratching  the  offending  creature  out  of  his  great 
toe.^o  I  may  cite  another  instance  of  his  tendency  to  beHeve 
strange  tales,  especially  when  they  came  or  were  supposed  to 
come  from  high  authority.  He  relates,  on  the  authority  of 
Bishop  Baldwin  of  Worcester,  a  case  of  a  young  woman  who 
proffered  love  to  a  young  man.  The  latter,  suspicious  of  an 
evil  spirit,  made  certain  tests  but  still  was  not  satisfied.  The 
woman  became  impatient  and  one  day,  seeing  him  pay  more 
attention  to  a  hound  named  Galiena  than  to  herself,  left  him 
with  the  words,  "  'You  have  slighted  me  for  Galiena ;  Galiena 
shall  avenge  me  for  this  affront.' "  Later  the  young  man  met 
and  fell  desperately  in  love  with  a  girl  named  Galiena  who  con- 
sistently repulsed  him.  Despite  his  efforts  to  forget  her  by 
retiring  to  a  monastery,  despite  the  prayers  of  the  brothers,  he 
died  of  unrequited  love.*^  The  outcome  of  the  story  was  at 
variance  with  the  usual  reward  for  withstanding  temptation 
and  the  narrator  was  at  loss  to  explain  the  affair.  As  Brewer 
says,  "The  reflections  of  Giraldus  on  this  occasion  show  the 
perplexity  under  which  he  labored.  It  never  occurred  to  him 
to  question  the  authenticity  of  the  narrative,  nor  could  he  for  a 
moment  doubt  the  authority  on  which  he  had  received  it."*^ 

But  if  Giraldus  was  strangely  credulous,  he  was  not  a  wilful 
impostor,  as  is  shown  by  a  statement  in  the  Topographia 
Hihernica,  relative  to  those  wonderful  anecdotes  and  marvelous 
monstrosities  there  recorded.  He  says  that  he  does  not  desire 
that  credence  should  be  given  to  all  that  has  been  advanced  in 
the  chapter  on  the  marvels  and  miracles  of  Ireland,  inasmuch 
as  he  dares  not  himself  believe  those  things  unless  they  have 
actually  fallen  within  his  own  observation,  or  might  so  have 
fallen.  As  for  the  rest,  he  forbears  to  pronounce  upon  them 
affirmatively  or  negatively,  but  leaves  them  rather  to  the 
reader's  judgment.*^  Giraldus,  in  common  with  the  majority 
of  mediaeval  clerics,  accepted  and  recounted  many  unplausible 
tales  as  gospel  fact,  but  the  probability  is  that  in  the  eagerness 
to  establish  the  principles  exemplified,  the  reality  or  fictitious- 
ness  of  the  concrete  instance  was  often  forgotten. 

*°  Gemma,   122. 
*^Ibid.,  228. 
*^  Ibid.,    introd.,    50 
*^  Ed.  cit.,  V,  74-S. 


65 

Closely  akin  to  Giraldus'  narration  of  incredible  happenings 
is  his  use  of  trivial,  ridiculously  incongruous  illustrations. 
This  is  a  charge  which  may  also  be  brought  against  many 
mediaeval  preachers  and  moralists  who  employed  exempla.  It 
might  be  expected,  nevertheless,  that  a  man  who  in  his  observa- 
tions on  the  conduct  of  Church  affairs  shows  such  remarkable 
moderation  and  good  sense,  would  have  exercised  more  dis- 
crimination. Its  absence  we  can  interpret  only  as  another 
manifestation  of  the  mediaeval  fondness  for  the  juxtaposition 
of  incongruities.  As  an  illustration  of  the  trivial  anecdotes 
employed  as  exempla  in  the  Gemma  I  shall  quote  two  of  the 
four  which  are  used  to  show  the  terrific  effects  of  excom- 
munication. In  each  case  the  unfortunate  subjects  of  this 
mighty  weapon  of  the  Church  are  vermin ! 

"  Exemplum  de  beato  Bernardo  abbate  Clarevallensi,  qui  cum  ad  ecclesiam 
quandam  venisset,  sicut  in  legenda  ipsius  reperitur,  in  qua,  propter  mus- 
carum  ingruentem  abundantiam,  nee  etiam  divina  celebrari  poterant,  et 
hoc  ei  referretur ;  subjecit  vir  sanctus :  '  Et  ego  in  nomine  Christi  eas  ex- 
communico.'  Mane  vero  omnes,  tam  in  ecclesia  quam  per  claustra  domus 
et  septa,  mortuae  inventae  sunt." 

"  Item  exemplum  de  sancto  Yvoro  episcopo,  qui  majores  mures,  qui 
vulgariter  rati  vocantur,  quia  libros  sues  forte  eroderant,  per  suam  impre- 
cationem  a  provincia  Hiberniae,  quae  Fernegulam  dicitur,  in  qua  delique- 
rant,  prorsus  ejecit,  adeo  ut  nee  ibi  postea  longo  tempore  nasci,  nee  vivere 
valeant  advecti."" 

The  appearance  of  such  pied-piper  accounts  is  not  at  all  un- 
common in  this  book  of  grave  and  sound  observations  on  the 
greatest  of  mediaeval  institutions. 

For  the  most  part  Giraldus'  exempla  are  neither  more  trivial 
nor  more  serious  than  those  employed  by  other  men  during 
the  centuries  immediately  following.  Stories  relating  the  de- 
plorable acts  of  evil  spirits  and  devils,^^  and  tales  illustrative 
of  the  worldliness,  impurity,  avarice  and  ignorance  of  the  con- 
temporary clergy,  abound.*®     As  is  usual  wherever  any  appre- 

**  Gemma,  160-61. 

*^  Ibid.,  53,  54,  55,  56,   158,  260,  passim. 

**  Two  typical  illustrations  of  the  latter  class  are  in  substance  as  follows. 
A  priest  in  speaking  about  Barnabas  told  his  audience  that  he  was  a  good 
man  but  yet  he  was  a  thief  for  the  gospels  say,  "  '  erat  autem  Barabbas 
latro  '  " ;   the  priest  made   no   distinction  between   Barnabas   and   Barabbas. 

6 


66 

ciable  use  of  exempla  is  made,  the  work  includes  a  few  stock 
favorites.*^  The  incidents,  though  usually  short  and  un- 
adorned, are  at  times  very  brisk  and  entertaining.  This  is 
particularly  true  of  those  which  deal  with  Giraldus'  personal 
observation.  As  a  whole,  this  treatise  and  example-book  is 
not  only  unusually  interesting,  but  since  it  was  addressed  to  the 
clergy  by  so  prominent  a  man,  it  must  have  had  considerable 
influence  for  the  encouragement  of  our  type. 

Of  equal  or  even  greater  importance  was  the  work  of  the 
English  preacher  and  fable  writer,  Odo  de  Ceritona.**  His 
collection  of  fables  and  tales,  compiled  between  1219-21,  is 
apparently  the  earliest  in  which  fables  are  accompanied  with 
moralizations.  Although  preachers  used  this  collection  as  a 
source-book  for  illustrations,  it  was  probably  compiled  to  re- 
form clerical  abuses.  Those  "  parabolae  "  which  were  intended 
for  exempla,  Odo  inserted  in  his  sermons  but  never  collected.** 
The  collected  narratives,  by  virtue  of  their  accompanying 
moralizations,  acquired  a  greater  independent  value  than  they 
had  hitherto  possessed  in  the  subordinate  office  of  illustrations. 
The  collection  was  composed  largely  of  fables,  but  the  idea  of 
appending  moralizations  was  soon  applied  to  collections  of  tales 
other  than  fables  and  helped  to  produce  such  compilations  as 
the  Gesta  Romanorum.  These  moralized  tales  and  fables  of 
Odo  were  eagerly  utilized  by  preachers^"  who  in  copying  them 

Another  instance  of  the  same  kind  tells  of  a  priest  who  in  a  sermon  on  the 
woman  of  Canaan,  said  that  she  was  part  woman  and  part  dog,  "  inter 
Cananeam  et  caninam  non  bene  distinguens."     Gemma,  341. 

"  It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  Giraldus  relates  the  tale,  immortalized  by 
Cervantes,  of  a  man  hiding  money  in  a  cane  which  he  has  his  creditor  hold 
while   he   swears   that   he   has   paid   his   debt. 

*^  Les  Fabulistes  Latins,  IV,  contains  the  fables  and  parables  of  Odo,  and 
a  thorough  critical  and  biographical  study  of  their  author. 

**  See  Hervieux,  Les  Fabulistes,  IV,  35. 

•"  That  some  of  Odo's  contemporaries  were  using  exempla  is  evinced  by 
sermon  collections  still  preserved.  Wright  calls  attention  to  some  of  them 
as  follows.  "In  a  manuscript  [Arundel,  231]  .  .  .  in  the  British  Museum 
some  monastic  compiler  has  arranged  in  one  series  the  homilies  of  John  of 
Abbeville,  Odo  of  Kent,  and  Roger  of  Salisbury  on  the  Sunday  Gospels 
throughout  the  year.  .  .  They  all  present  one  characteristic  which  is  much 
less  common  in  the  writers  of  sermons  at  an  early  date,  the  frequent  illus- 


67 

into  collections  for  their  own  use  "sometimes  lengthened, 
shortened,  or  otherwise  changed  them,  sometimes  added  others, 
borrowed,  in  theme  at  least,  from  other  authors  or  from  their 
own  imagination."^^  The  large  number  of  manuscripts  con- 
taining such  collections  still  extant  in  France,  Germany,  Eng- 
land, Belgium,  Italy,  and  Switzerland,^-  testify  amply  to  the 
popularity  of  Odo's  fables.^^ 

The  fables,  however,  though  often  mingled  in  the  sermons 
as  exempla,^*  are  of  less  importance  for  our  study  than  the 
"parabolae,"  or  exempla,  which  appeared  in  his  sermons, 
written  previous  to  1219.^^  There  are  two  collections  of 
homilies:  those  for  Sundays  (Homiliae  de  Tempore),  and 
those  for  Festivals  (Homiliae  de  Sanctis).  Of  the  former 
there  are  sixty-six;  of  the  latter,  twenty-six.  The  exempla 
in  these  sermons  show  growing  familiarity  with  such  writers  as 
Seneca,  Ovid,  Vergil,  Horace,  Juvenal,  Claudian,  and 
Boethius.^®  Moreover,  the  type  is  employed  on  a  scale  far 
greater  than  in  any  of  the  English  homily  collections  of  the 
earlier  period.  Hervieux'  edition  of  the  "  parabolae  "  used  in 
the  Sunday  sermons  only,  contains  one  hundred  and  ninety- 
nine. 

Odo's  chief  sources  for  exempla,  outside  of  fables  and  tradi- 
tional anecdotes,  are  Gregory's  Dialogues  and  the  Vitae 
Patrum.     The  Bible  and  secular  history  are  sparingly  utilized ; 

tration  of  the  subject  by  short  stories  or  fables."  Biographia  Britannica 
Literaria,  I,  225.  The  Catalogue  of  the  Western  MSS.  in  Trinity  College 
lists  (I,  9-1 1 )  a  thirteenth  century  MS.  of  fifty-nine  "  Sermones  per  anni 
circulum,"  which  formerly  belonged  to  the  Durham  Cathedral.  Mr.  James, 
the  compiler  of  the  catalogue,  notes  that  stories  are  used  in  many  of  these 
sermons. 

"  Hervieux,  op.  cit.,  IV,   35. 

« Ihid.,  IV,  47-77. 

"  Hervieux  states  that  there  are  only  three  translations  of  Odo's  fables : 
One  Spanish  {El  libro  de  los  gatos),  and  two  French.  One  of  the  latter 
is  anonymous ;  the  other  he  believes  to  be  the  Contes  Moralises  of  Nicole  de 
Bozon.     Les  Fabulistes,   IV,   85. 

"  Seventeen  of  the  Aesopic  collection  appear  in  the  homilies,  besides  nine 
others  "  au  moins  en  germe."     Ibid.,  IV,  124-5. 

^Ibid.,  IV,  46. 

^Ibid.,  IV,  126. 


68 

Latin  classics  and  patristic  writings  are  more  frequently  cited. 
Compared  with  the  illustrative  tales  previously  discussed  in 
this  chapter,  those  of  the  present  collection  show  a  more  con- 
stant and  serious  aim  to  exemplify  and  correct  the  sins  and 
weaknesses  of  the  masses.^®*  Most  of  the  exempla  in  the 
sermons  are  followed,  as  were  the  fables,  by  a  clear  applica- 
tion to  the  condition  of  the  audience.  "  Sic  ergo  faciat 
Domine,"  "  Ita  in  presentia,"  "  Huius  modi,"  "  Similiter," 
"  Tales  sunt  cupidi,"  are  expressions  indicative  of  the  usual 
manner  in  which  Odo  introduces  his  moralizations  from  the 
tales.  Sometimes  the  moralization  takes  the  form  of  a  sym- 
bolical interpretation,  of  which  I  shall  give  illustration  later. 

The  exempla  used  by  Odo  may  be  classified  under  the  fol- 
lowing heads:  (i)  historical  incidents,  (2)  Biblical  narratives, 
(3)  fables,  (4)  Bestiary  passages  and  figures  of  speech,^^ 
(5)  monkish  tales.  The  first  four  groups  I  shall  consider 
briefly  before  passing  to  the  monkish  tales,  which  comprise 
fully  two-thirds  of  the  entire  number.  The  historical  group 
consists  of  about  half  a  dozen  incidents,  such  as  the  death  of 
Julian  the  Apostate  at  the  hands  of  a  special  agent  of  the 
Virgin,^®  the  account  of  Socrates  hurling  a  great  lump  of  gold 
into  the  sea  with  the  observation  that  one  cannot  possess  riches 
and  virtue,^^  the  inability  of  Canute  to  keep  back  the  sea.''" 
Most  of  these  are  vague  and  legendary  rather  than  authentic. 
The  Biblical  exempla,  of  which  there  are  about  the  same 
number,  are  for  the  most  part  mere  references.  For  instance, 
one  of  them  consists  of  a  single  line,  "  Paulus  post  naufragium 
a  vipere  percussus  est ;  nihil  ei  nocuit."*'^  The  moralization 
occupies  four  lines.     Another,  which  I  translate  entire,  is  but 

^^  Hervieux  remarks  that  Odo  "  avait  un  grand  amour  de  la  purete." 
Les  Fabulistcs,  IV,  29. 

"  That  Odo  considered  bestiary  passages  and  figures  of  speech  in  much 
the  same  light  as  exempla  is  suggested  by  his  definition  of  "  parabolae " : 
"  Parabola  dicitur  a  para,  quod  est  juxta,  et  hole,  quod  est  sententia,  quasi 
juxta  sententiam.  Parabola  enim  est  similitudo  quae  ponitur  ad  sententiam 
rei  comprobandam."     Les  Fabulistes,  no. 

^  Les  Fabulistes,  IV,  271. 

''Ibid.,   271. 

'"Ibid.,  275. 

"  Ibid.,   2gg. 


69 

little  longer :  "  It  is  said  that  Dives,  tired  of  the  clamor  of  the 
beggar,  set  his  dogs  on  him.  But  the  dogs  licked  his  wounds.'"^ 
Elijah  under  the  juniper  tree  occupies  three  lines. ^^  The  epi- 
sode of  the  citizens  of  Ephesus  who  turned  back  from  follow- 
ing Paul  seemed  particularly  worthy  to  the  homilist  since  it  is 
given  no  less  than  a  page  and  a  quarter.*'*  Among  the  bestiary 
passages  may  be  found  references  to  the  pelican  and  its 
young,^^  the  elephant's  habit  of  leaning  against  a  tree  which  the 
hunter  cuts,®®  the  antelope  caught  among  the  branches  by  its 
spreading  antlers.®'^  These,  and  a  few  references  to  the  habits 
of  the  hen  which  gathers  its  chicks,  the  fly  which  pollutes,  and 
the  wolf  which  feigns  death,  are  used  to  symbolize  human 
qualities.  They  are  hardly  more  than  figures  of  speech.  The 
Aesopic  fables  incorporated  in  the  sermons  are  of  greater  signi- 
ficance both  in  number  and  bulk,  but  they  ofifer  no  special  object 
for  discussion,  so  we  may  turn  to  the  group  of  greatest  im- 
portance, the  monkish  legends. 

A  large  number  of  these  are  of  the  familiar,  clerical,  unloca- 
lized  kind,  dealing  with  "  a  certain  rustic,"  "  a.  certain  king," 
"a.  certain  bishop,"  or  "a  certain  hermit."  The  following 
outlines  will  indicate  their  simple  and  homely  character.  A 
certain  rustic  who  was  invited  by  his  lord  to  a  feast,  drank 
putrid  water  from  a  ditch  outside  his  lord's  dwelling,  in  spite 
of  the  remonstrances  of  his  companion.  Later,  in  the  midst 
of  the  company,  he  vomited  the  putrid  water  upon  the  table. 
Then  follows  Odo's  moralization  that  in  the  present,  men  spoil 
their  lives  by  evil-doing  and  only  by  penance  may  they  fit  them- 
selves to  partake  of  the  heavenly  feast.®^  A  certain  great  noble- 
man, having  relinquished  the  pomp  of  the  world  and  taken 
the  habit  of  the  white  monks,  was  asked  why  he  had  done  such 
a  thing.  He  replied  that  he  judged  it  better  to  gain  salvation 
in  vile  clothes  than  to  perish  in  silken  stuff.®^     In  others  of 

^  Les  Fabiilistes,  IV,  305, 
^  Ibid.,  322. 
**  Ibid.,  339-40. 
•*/&«.,  269. 
••/bjU,  316. 
"'Ibid.,  327. 
"» Ibid.,  266. 
'^Ibid.,  268. 


70 

this  kind,  the  moral  is  drawn  on  a  detailed  allegorical  basis. 
For  example,  a  certain  man  had  a  beautiful  wife  whom  he 
often  spurned  and  afflicted;  but  his  vicious  maid-servant  he 
nourished  and  fed  with  delicacies.  The  wife  is  the  soul  which 
we  misuse;  the  servant  is  the  flesh  which  we  pamper  and 
indulge.'^  *^ 

Other  monkish  tales  deal  with  incidents  in  the  lives  of  par- 
ticular saints,  such  as  St.  Anthony,  St.  Lawrence,  St.  Hilary, 
St.  Martin,  and  St.  Machary.  Legends  about  devils  and  reap- 
pearances after  death  are  prominent.  The  monkish  group  con- 
tains also  a  limited  number  combating  abuses  among  the 
clergy.  For  example,  a  Master  of  Paris  asserted  that  Peter 
and  Paul  were  fools,  and  upon  being  questioned,  explained 
that  they  suffered  poverty,  toil  and  hunger  to  be  saved,  whereas 
present-day  bishops  were  able  to  win  salvation  with  rich  food 
and  drink,  fine  clothes  and  luxuries."^^  A  very  amusing  tale  of 
this  class  satirizes  the  greed  of  churchmen.  A  little  old  woman 
(vetula)  not  being  able  to  get  a  hearing  from  the  bishop,  was 
advised  by  one  who  knew  his  custom,  not  to  attempt  to  im- 
portune that  dignitary  until  she  had  annointed  his  palm.  The 
woman,  interpreting  this  advice  in  a  very  simple  manner, 
straightway  secured  three  pieces  of  butter  and  sought  the 
bishop.  At  her  request  he  stretched  out  his  hand  which  she 
suddenly  greased  well  with  the  rich  butter.  Odo's  comment  is 
brief  but  pertinent,  "Utinam  tale  obsequium  omnibus  cupidis 
exhiberetur.""^  The  foregoing  exempla  are  perpetuated  in  sub- 
sequent collections,  as  are  the  following,  which  I  outline 
briefly  because  they  are  thoroughly  typical  of  the  themes  con- 
stantly appearing  in  the  great  collections  of  exempla. 

(i)  "De  Juliano  apostata  et  diabolo."  This  relates  how 
Julian  sent  a  demon  on  a  wicked  errand,  but  the  demon  was 
stopped  and  turned  back  by  chancing  to  fly  above  a  certain 
religious  man  who  prayed  day  and  night.'^^ 

(2)  "De  sene  cui  angelus  judicia  dei  ostendit."    This  story, 

""^  Les  FabiiUstes,  IV,  270. 
"  Ibid.,  268. 
"/bid.,  301. 
''^  Ibid.,  2g6-7. 


71 

the  theme  of  Parnell's  Hermit,  tells  of  an  angel  who  stole  a 
gold  cup  from  a  generous  host,  later  gave  the  stolen  cup  to  a 
miserly  host,  and  finally  strangled  the  infant  child  of  a  pious 
host.  The  agent  of  God  then  explained  to  his  revolted  mortal 
companion  just  how  he  was  executing  God's  wisdom  in  doing 
these  apparently  atrocious  things^* 

(3)  "De  quodam  eremita  et  cadavere  fetente."  An  angel 
traveling  along  the  roadside  with  a  hermit,  passed  by  a  rotting 
corpse,  unnoticing,  but  held  his  nose  at  the  sight  of  a  fashion- 
ably arrayed  young  gentlemanJ^ 

(4)  "De  quodam  monacho  et  patre  ejus."  This  is  one  of 
the  many  variants  of  an  extremely  popular  theme, — the  heroic 
struggles  of  clerics  to  withstand  temptations,  usually  contrived 
by  the  devil.  A  young  monk  upon  being  solicited  by  a  woman, 
consults  his  father,  who  advises  forty  days'  labor  on  bread  and 
water.  After  twenty  days  the  devil  in  the  guise  of  a  revolting 
Ethiopian  female  appears  to  the  youth  and  states  that  it  was 
she  who  had  been  his  former  charming  temptress.  The  youth 
and  his  father  render  thanks  to  God,  but  the  father  remarks 
that  if  the  son  had  stayed  in  the  hermitage  for  the  rest  of  the 
forty  days,  he  would  have  perceived  the  deception  even  more 

clearly. '^^ 

(5)  "De  quadam  sancta  religiosa."  This  anecdote  tells  of 
a  girl  whose  father  was  ever  heavy  and  sad,  whereas  her 
mother  was  proud,  talkative  and  lustful.  After  their  death, 
the  girl  in  a  vision  saw  their  respective  dwellings  in  the  other 
world ;  the  father  in  bliss,  the  mother  in  hell-torment." 

(6)  "De  quodam  clerico  flente  et  abbate  Bernardo."  A 
penitent  young  cleric  wrote  a  list  of  his  sins  on  a  card  which 
he  sent  to  Bernard.  When  the  abbot  looked  at  the  card,  the 
writing,  owing  to  God's  mercy  to  penitents,  had  disappeared. 

''*  Les  Fabulistes,  IV,  308. 

''"Ibid.,  275. 

""Ibid.,  329-30. 

"  Ibid.,  330-2.  The  frequent  appearance  of  this  theme  in  mediaeval  writ- 
ings, indicates  that  the  doctrine  that  sadness  in  this  life  brought  happiness 
in  the  next,  and  vice  versa,  was  not  only  held  by  ascetics  but  was  taught 
to   the   masses. 


72 

So,  through  confession,  the  card  of  the  heart  is  wiped  clean 
of  the  letters  of  sin,  runs  the  allegorical  moralJ^ 

All  of  these  exempla  are  brief,'^^  tersely  phrased,  and  usually- 
obvious  in  their  lessons  of  faith,  reward  for  good,  or  punish- 
ment for  evil  actions.  A  clerical  preference  for  the  incidents 
recorded  in  the  works  of  the  Church  Fathers,  the  Dialogues 
of  Gregory,  the  Vitae  Patrum,  and  saints'  lives,  is  to  be  noted. 
Hervieux  has  suggested  that  Odo  told  these  tales  to  the  people 
as  actual  facts  rather  than  as  legendary  illustrations.  That  he, 
like  Giraldus,  may  have  considered  the  incidents  for  the  most 
part  factual  is  not  at  all  unlikely,  inasmuch  as  he  takes  pains 
occasionally  to  caution  his  audience  that  a  certain  account  is 
not  quite  authentic.®*'  The  faith  in  the  substance  of  exempla, 
the  belief  in  their  efficacy,®^  their  prominence,  and  the  fact  that 
the  manuscripts  of  Odo's  sermons  are  plentiful,®-  are  all  indi- 
cations that  the  type  was  growing  in  favor  among  contempo- 
rary scholars  and  churchmen.®^ 

We  have  seen  in  the  work  of  these  Latin  writers  of  England 
in  the  second  half  of  the  twelfth  century,  that  narratives  were 
already  becoming  important  as  illustrations.     This  is  evident 

''^  Les  Fabulistes,  IV,  336-7. 

"  The  average  length  of  the  exempla  in  the  collection  is  about  nine  lines. 

*°  For  example,  he  introduces  the  tale  about  the  weeping  child  who  was 
cured  by  bathing  where  Christ  had  bathed,  with  the  words,  "  Dicitur,  licet 
non  sit  autenticum."  Les  Fabulistes,  IV,  330.  Hervieux  cites  (ibid.,  112) 
another  case  which  closes  with  the  words,  "  Sed  non  est  autenticum." 

"  Among  other  things,  Odo  says  in  one  of  his  prologues,  "  Paterfamilias 
debet  proferre  de  thesauro  suo  nova  et  vetera  verba  et  exempla,  quibus 
reficiatur  fidelis  anima."  A  little  later  he  refers  to  the  authority  of  Greg- 
ory, as  follows :  "  Et  quoniam,  ut  dicit  Gregorius,  plus  quandoque  compun- 
gunt  exempla  quam  verba,  aperiam  in  parabolis  os  meum,  et  similitudines 
et  exempla  que  libencius  audiuntur,  memorie  firmius  quam  verba  commen- 
dantur,  proponam,  quibus  intellectis  sapiens  sapiencior  erit."  Ibid.,  175. 
This  prologue  is  very  suggestive  of  that  of  the  Knight  of  La  Tour  Landry; 
see  below,  p.  134. 

^Ibid.,  127-41. 

^  Crane  says  that  Odo  "  left  a  collection  of  moralized  fables  and  parables 
most  industriously  copied  by  later  writers  in  this  field.  The  value  of  Odo's 
work  consists  in  the  large  number  of  fables  which  it  aided  most  powerfully 
to  diffuse  through  later  collectors  and  preachers."  Jacques  de  Vitry,  introd., 
Ixxxi.     His  influence  on  monkish  legends  should  not  be  overlooked. 


73 

from  the  appearance  of  exempla  not  only  in  the  sermons,  of 
which  Odo's  collection  stands  as  a  model,  but  in  didactic  trea- 
tises like  the  Gemma  Ecclesiastic  a,  natural  histories  like  the 
De  Natiiris  Rerum,  and  works  of  information  and  correction, 
such  as  those  of  John  of  Salisbury,  Walter  Map,  and  Gervase 
of  Tilbury.  Still  further,  a  range  of  sources,  a  variety  of 
types,  and  a  wealth  of  tales  unknown  to  the  pre-conquest 
period,  have  come  into  use.  This  comparative  richness  is  to 
be  explained  by  the  acquaintance  with  Eastern  material  through 
the  Crusades,  the  rise  of  the  monastic  orders,  and  the  closer 
intercourse  between  English  and  Continental  clerics  and  schol- 
ars, which  promoted  the  circulation  of  the  growing  mass  of 
anecdotes,  fables,  and  legendary  incidents.®* 

As  to  the  number  of  special  collections  of  Latin  exempla 
which  were  made  during  the  late  twelfth  and  early  thirteenth 
century,  it  is  impossible  to  determine.  Wright,  in  his  edition  of 
one  hundred  and  forty-nine  Latin  stories  selected  from  various 
collections  of  tales  and  fables,®^  states  that  "  No  manuscripts 
are  of  more  frequent  occurrence  than  collections  of  tales  like 
those  printed  in  the  present  volume."®^  A  little  later  he  says, 
"  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  the  period  at  which  these  collec- 
tions began  to  be  made  was  the  earlier  part  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  and  that  to  that  century  we  owe  the  compilation  in 
Latin  of  most  of  these  tales,  though  the  greater  number  of 
manuscripts  may  be  ascribed  to  the  fourteenth."^''  From  the 
prominence  of  the  type  already  noted,  it  seems  safe  to  assume 
that  collections  were  begun  even  before  the  end  of  the  twelfth 
century.  The  church  libraries  at  that  period  were  in  posses- 
sion of  the  classic  example-books,^®  and  that  they  were  being 
used  is  suggested  by  an  entry  in  the  twelfth  century  catalogue 

"  The  material  for  exempla,  furnished  by  the  Latin  historians  of  the 
twelfth    century,   was    considerable. 

^  The  fables,  Wright  has  taken  largely  from  Odo  de  Ceritona's  collection. 

^^  Latin  Stories,  preface,  vi. 

*^  Ibid.,  preface,  vii. 

''Among  the  books  in  the  library  at  Lincoln  Cathedral  in  1150  were  the 
"  Dialogum  Gregorii"  and  the  "Vitas  Patrum" ;  during  the  lifetime  of 
the  same  custodian  was  added  a  "  Libellum  de  Vita  Patrum."  See  Giraldi 
Cambrensis  Opera,  VII,  Appendix  C,   165   seq. 


74 

of  the  books  at  Durham,  "  Hi  sunt  Hbri  qui  leguntur  Colla- 
tionem."  Under  this  heading  are  Hsted  the  following  books: 
Vitae  Patrum;  Diadema  Monachorum;  Effrem  cum  Vitis 
Egiptiorum ;  Paradisus;  Speculum;  Dialogus;  Pastoralis,  Exi- 
mius  Liber;  Ysidorus  de  Summo  Bono;  Prosper  de  Contem- 
plativa  Vita;  Liber  Odonis;  Johannes  Cassianus;  Decern  Col- 
lationes.^^  The  titles  to  be  particularly  noted  are  the  Vitae 
Patrum,  the  Dialogus,  probably  Gregory's  Dialogues,  and  the 
Lives  of  the  Egyptians;  others,  such  as  the  Specidum  and  the 
Diadema  Monachorum,  are  suggestive  of  exempla.  Moreover, 
the  attention  claimed  by  moral  and  religious  anecdotes  in  the 
twelfth  century  is  amply  evinced  by  the  numerous  compila- 
tions of  saints'  lives  and  legends  of  the  Virgin,®"  which  were 
then  produced.  In  the  catalogues  of  the  Lincoln  and  Durham 
Cathedrals,  the  lives  of  saints  are,  next  to  Biblical  exegesis, 
the  most  numerous  items.  In  Ward's  Catalogue,^'^  a  discus- 
sion of  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  century  manuscripts  of  the 
Miracles  of  the  Virgin,®^  alone,  occupies  forty-seven  pages. 
Far  more  numerous  were  the  collections  of  saints'  lives.  Con- 
sidering these  two  classes  of  material,  the  mass  of  historical 
and  legendary  incidents  brought  together  by  the  Latin  his- 
torians, the  fable  literature,  the  large  amount  of  oral,  tradi- 
tional anecdote  circulating  among  the  clerics,  and  the  exempla 
already  employed  in  treatises  or  compiled  in  small  collections, 
it  is  clear  that  the  Latin  writers  of  the  twelfth  century  con- 
tributed much  and  gave  a  great  impulse  to  the  exemplum  in 
England  before  Jacques  de  Vitry  and  the  friars  ushered  in  its 
flourishing  period. 

We  may  now   consider  the    formal,   Latin   example-books 

*'  Catalogi  Veteres  Librorum  Ecclesiae  Cathedralis  Dunelm,  9. 

*"  These  legendary  lives  of  holy  men  and  women  and  the  Virgin  furnished 
more  exempla  than  any  other  class  of  material.  In  a  sense,  a  saint's  life 
or  a  collection  of  saints'  lives  constituted  a  sort  of  example-book. 

"  H.  L.  D.  Ward,  Catalogue  of  the  Romances  in  the  Department  of 
Manuscripts  of  the  British  Museum,  II,   595-642. 

*"  For  a  thorough  study  of  these,  see  Adolfo  Mussafia,  Studien  zu  den 
tnitteldlterlichen  Marienlegenden,  in  Sitzungsherichte  (Philosophisch-His- 
torische  Classe),  Band  CXIX,  Heft  2,  s.  917;  Band  CXV,  Heft  I,  s.  5  ; 
Band  CXIX,  abh.  9 ;  Band  CXXIII,  abh.  8. 


75 

which  were  produced  in  England  after  the  middle  of  the  thir- 
teenth century.  During  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centu- 
ries, example-books  in  England,  as  elsewhere,  appear  to  be 
practically  confined  to  Latin.  France,  Germany,  and  Italy 
were  much  more  prolific  than  England  in  turning  out  exempla, 
although  the  clerics  in  the  latter  country  were  by  no  means  idle. 
Manuscripts  of  monkish  legends  were  produced  copiously 
enough,  but  they  were  eclipsed  by  the  more  compendious  and 
superior  compilations  of  the  Continent,  such  as  the  exempla 
from  the  sermons  of  Jacques  de  Vitry,  the  Alphahetum  Nar- 
ratiomim,  the  Tractatus  of  fitienne  de  Bourbon,  the  Direc- 
torium  Vitae  Humanae  of  John  of  Capua,  the  Speculum  His- 
toriale  of  Vincent  de  Beauvais  ( ?),  and  the  Dialogus  Miracu- 
lorum  of  Caesar  of  Heisterbach.  Still,  a  few  compilations 
were  made  on  English  ground,  which  have  not  fallen  into 
oblivion ;  some  of  them  are,  indeed,  among  the  most  noted  of 
their  kind. 

Until  the  close  of  the  thirteenth  century,  apparently  no 
famous  collection  was  produced  in  England,  but  the  time  was 
preparing  for  a  great  work, — the  Gesta  Romanorum.  We 
have,  for  example,  a  Liber  Exemplorum  ad  usuni  Praedi- 
cantium,^^  compiled  between  1270-79  by  a  Franciscan,  prob- 
ably of  Warwickshire.^*  This  book  is  a  preachers'  manual 
in  two  parts ;  the  first  part  relates  tales  "  De  Rebus  Superi- 
oribus,"  such  as  Christ,  the  Virgin,  the  angels,  and  St.  James, 
arranged  in  order  of  importance;  the  second  part  narrates 
incidents  "De  Rebus  Inferioribus,"  arranged  alphabetically. 
There  are  two  hundred  and  thirteen  titles,  and  the  list  of 
sources,  compiled  by  Little,  comprises  forty-three  authors.  The 
Vitae  Patrum,  from  which  the  writer  takes  thirty-six  exempla, 
is  most  prominent ;  then  come  in  order  of  importance,  the  Dia- 
logues of  Gregory,  the  Summa  virtutum  et  vitiorum  of  Paral- 
dus,   and  the  Life   of  John  of  Alexandria;  less    frequently 

**  Edited  by  A.  C.  Little  for  the  Society  of  Franciscan  Studies.  The 
prologue  is  missing  from  the  unique  MS.,  B.  IV.  19,  Durham  Cathedral,  and 
the  collection  is  preserved  only  to  the  letter  M. 

**  The  editor,  from  references  in  the  exempla,  concludes  that  the  writer 
was  a  student  in  Paris  about  1264-5,  and  that  he  later  held  clerical  office 
in  England.    Liber  Exemplorum,  introd.,  vi  seq. 


76 

quoted  sources  are  the  Bible,  the  classic  theologians,  such  as 
Augustine,  Gregory,  and  Beda,  saints'  lives,  Barlaam  and 
Josaphat,  and  historical  compends,  such  as  those  of  Peter 
Comestor  and  Beda. 

Of  particular  significance  are  references  in  the  work  to  other 
collections,  now  missing^^  but,  judging  from  the  tales  cited,  of 
about  the  same  kind  as  that  under  discussion.  One  of  these 
called  " Exempla  Deodati"  furnished  the  Liher  Exemplorum 
three  tales.  The  first  of  these  entitled  "  Ouaedam  mulier  con- 
iugata  "  tells  of  a  woman  of  evil  character  who  was  incited  by 
the  devil  "  in  specie  iuvenis  "  to  corrupt  holy  persons ;  she  was 
saved  by  her  son's  penitence.^^  Another  from  this  source 
narrates  a  conversation  between  a  demon  and  "  frater  Jordan, 
magister  ordinis  predicatorum."^^  The  third  tells  of  a  certain 
young  man  who,  "  amans  illicite,"  entered  the  chamber  of  his 
noble  lady  one  night  only  to  be  greeted  with  the  cry,  "AAA! 
fuge,  demon."  Frightened  out  of  his  wits,  he  fled  with  greater 
speed  than  dignity  to  a  near-by  hermitage  where,  after  confes- 
sion, he  was  relieved  of  the  devil  which  had  transformed  him.^^ 
Another  missing  collection  cited  by  the  author  of  the  Liber 
Exemplorum  is  the  "Exempla  Communia"  from  which  he 
takes  three,  possibly  four,  tales. ^^  These  are  of  the  same 
monkish  character,  dealing  with  churchmen,  demons,  and 
miraculous  happenings.  These  lost  collections  indicate  that 
example-books  must  have  been  far  more  numerous  before  time 
and  the  destructive  zeal  of  the  Reformation  reduced  the  num- 
ber of  such  "  talis  of  rybawdy  and  vain  lesyngis." 

The  compiler  of  the  Liber  Exemplorum,  however,  like  many 

°°  Little  states  that  he  was  unable  to  find  the  Exempla  Deodati.  He  did, 
however,  find  one  other  reference  to  the  collection  in  Balliol  Coll.  MS.  228 
where  it  is  represented  by  one  exemplum.  The  work  is  here  attributed  to 
"  Frater  de  ordine  minorum,  Deodatus  nomine,  quondam  minister  Hybernie." 
See  Liber,  141—2,  note. 

"  Liber,    54. 

""Ibid.,   91. 

^  Liber,  121.     The  tale  closes  with  a  reference  to  its  use  in  the  sermons 
of  one  "  frater  de  Wycumbe  "  ;  see  also  ibid.,  88,  for  another  reference  to 
the  use  of  exempla  in  contemporary  sermons. 
'^ Ibid.,  s,  61,  95,  125.     Three  of  these  cite  the  Exempla  Communia. 


77 

other  clerics,  appears  to  have  considered  the  tales  highly  meri- 
torious. His  exempla  are  directed  "to  the  utility  and  edifica- 
tion of  the  people,  announcing  to  them  vices  and  virtues, 
punishment  and  glory."^""  He  aims  throughout  to  make  the 
use  of  tales  beneficial  and  wholesome.  Now  he  directs  a  warn- 
ing to  preachers  to  avoid  vile  words  ;"^  again,  after  certain 
particularly  vicious  tales,  he  cautions  preachers  to  modify  them 
in  recital  to  the  people,  since  they  may  suggest  crimes  hitherto 
unknown.^''-  Another  caution,  which  was  probably  observed 
widely,  relates  to  the  exercise  of  discrimination  in  the  use  of 
tales  dealing  with  sinning  clerics.^"^  These  were  to  be  em- 
ployed when  churchmen  were  addressed,  but  were  not  expedi- 
tious for  general  use."*  Not  only  did  he  aim  to  make  the 
exemplum  a  wholesome  and  worthy  part  of  sermons,  but  he 
also  tried  to  make  the  tales  of  his  collection  stimulating  by 
using  specific  names,  either  as  actors  or  personal  narrators, 

""  Liber,  introd.,  xiii. 

^"^  Ibid.,  98.  "  Caveat  qui  predicat  ut  verba  curialia  dicat,  ut  videlicet 
nominet  lutum  pro  stercore,  rem  parvi  valoris  pro  vili  spermate."  See  also 
ibid.,  200. 

^"^  Ibid.,  56,  1 15-16,  120-21. 

"'  The  monks  did  not  seem  to  mind  the  disparaging  tales  about  them- 
selves, and  they  certainly  took  delight  in  those  which  dealt  with  the 
secular  clergy. 

^'^  Liber,  94-95.  After  narrating  a  tale  of  a  wicked  cleric  who  saw  a 
vision  of  hell  awaiting  him,  the  author  says,  "  nee  expedit  de  religiosis  talia 
populo  pronunciare.  ...  Si  autem  predicatur  religiosis,  tota  narracia  .  .  . 
utilis  erit."  See  also  the  tale  preceding  this.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  although 
the  writer  is  a  Franciscan  he  does  not  attempt  in  the  tales  to  extol  his 
own  order  nor  to  cast  reflections  upon  other  orders.  This  is  generally 
true  with  reference  to  the  thousands  of  stories  told  and  retold  by  men  of 
the  various  monkish  orders,  Franciscans,  Dominicans,  Cistercians,  Augus- 
tinians,  and  others.  The  religious  dramatis  personae  good  and  bad  in  the 
narratives,  are,  as  if  by  general  understanding,  of  a  universal  class ;  the 
appellations,  "  a  certain  monk,"  "  a  pious  hermit,"  "  a  wicked  friar,"  etc., 
are  pretty  consistently  adhered  to.  In  some  cases,  to  be  sure,  specific 
names  are  mentioned,  but  they  are  commonly  those  of  well-known  men  and 
are  by  no  means  restricted  to  any  particular  order.  In  the  present  collec- 
tion, for  instance,  the  Franciscan  collector  speaks  highly  of  several  Domin- 
icans, such  as  "Richard  Fishacre  of  good  memory"  (p.  19),  "  Robertus 
de  Sudeseye,  brother  holy  and  noble  "   (p.  63)  ;  see  also  pp.   109,   123. 


78 

and  specific  places,  particularly  local  ones.^°^  The  Liher 
Exemplorum  is  an  energetic  little  book  which  points  to  con- 
siderable activity  in  England  in  the  field  of  illustrative  tales. 

Similar  to  the  Liher  Exemplorum  are  other  example-books 
which  were  compiled  in  England  during  the  thirteenth  century. 
Toward  the  end  of  the  century  appeared  a  large  collection, 
alphabetically  arranged  under  subject  headings,  and  known  as 
the  Speculum  Laicorum}^^  It  has  been  attributed  to  John 
Hoveden,  who  died  in  1275,  but  though  it  is  undoubtedly  the 
work  of  an  Englishman,  the  evidence  for  Hoveden's  author- 
ship is  very  scanty.^"^  The  tales  are  arranged  under  ninety- 
one  headings,  beginning  with  "  Abstinentia "  and  ending  with 
"  Usura  " ;  they  number  five  hundred  and  seventy-two.  These 
include,  besides  the  usual  monkish  legends,  many  delightful 
contemporary  anecdotes^^^  which  help  to  account  for  the  popu- 
larity of  the  work,  indicated  by  the  number  of  copies  still 
preserved  in  the  British  Museum  and  the  Bodleian. 

In  addition  to  such  larger  collections  as  those  mentioned  in 
the  foregoing  pages,  and  the  Continental  collections  which  were 
circulating  among  the  clergy,  smaller  compilations  abounded.^**^ 
All  these  had  been  preparing  the  way  for  a  work  of  exemplar 
literature  in  many  respects   unparalleled, — the   Gesta  Roma- 

^"^  Among  writers  of  exempla  there  appears  to  have  been  little  hesitation 
about  joining  a  nine  hundred  year  old  event  with  a  ninety  year  old  name. 

"'The  original  MS.,  11,284,  Brit.  Mus.,  is  entitled  "  Fabularum  anecdo- 
torumque  collectio  ad  usum  praedicantium,  in  seriem  alphabeticam  diges- 
tam."  See  Crane,  J.  de  V.,  introd.,  Ixxii.  Excerpts  from  the  Speculum  are 
printed  in  Haupt  and  Hoffman's  Altdeutsche  Blatter,  Leipzig,  1840,  II, 
74-82.     These  are  reprinted  by  Wright  in  Latin  Stories. 

"'See  J.  A.  Herbert,  "The  Authorship  of  the  ' Alphabetum  Narra- 
tionum,' "  in  Library,  January,   1905,  p.  96. 

"'  See  ib-id.,  p.  96 ;  also  Crane,  /.  de  V.,  introd.,  Ixxii.  Contemporary  with 
the  Speculum,  there  appeared  on  the  Continent  two  collections.  One  of 
these,  containing  about  two  hundred  tales,  was  called  the  Tractatus  ex- 
emplorum de  abundantia  adaptorum  ad  omnem  materiam  in  sermonibus, 
secundum  ordinem  alphabeti;  the  other  was  the  famous  Alphabetum  Nar- 
rationum  of  which  a  fifteenth  century  English  translation  is  preserved.  The 
latter,  An  Alphabet  of  Tales,  has  been  edited  by  Mrs.  Mary  M.  Banks  for 
the   E.   E.   T.   S. 

"*  See  Crane,  /.  de  V.,  introd.,  Ixxii-lxxiii. 


79 

norum}'^'^  Concerning  this  book  which  is  so  well-known  and 
has  been  the  subject  of  so  much  scholarly  investigation,  little 
need  be  said  here.^^^  The  few  facts  which  concern  us  particu- 
larly may  be  briefly  stated.  The  Gesta  was,  in  its  original  form, 
a  collection  of  Latin  narratives  drawn  from  oriental  apologues, 
monkish  legends,  classical  stories,  tales  of  the  chroniclers, 
popular  traditions,  and  furnished  with  apposite  moralizations 
after  the  manner  of  Odo  de  Ceritona's  moralized  fables  and 
the  C antes  Moralises  of  Nicole  de  Bozon.  "Its  object  was 
undoubtedly,"  says  Herrtage,  "  to  furnish  a  series  of  entertain- 
ing tales  to  the  preachers  of  the  day  or  to  monastic  societies, 
accompanied  by  such  allegorical  forms  of  exposition  as  to  con- 
vey, according  to  the  taste  of  the  age,  information  of  a  theo- 
logical character  or  moral  tendency."^^-  The  collection  ap- 
peared at  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  or  the  opening  of  the  four- 
teenth century.^^^  Oesterley  repudiates  the  ascriptions  to  the 
most  favored  claimant,  Pierre  Bercheur,  and  concludes  that  it 
is  impossible  to  determine  the  compiler.  Considering  the 
absence  of  substantial  evidence,  it  is  no  wonder  for,  as  the 
learned  editor  asks,  "Who  during  the  thirteenth  and  four- 
teenth centuries,  did  not  tell  parables  and  tales  in  the  style 
of  the  Gesta,  who  did  not  moralize,  and  what  was  not  mora- 
lized?"^^* The  most  significant  fact  in  connection  with  the 
present  discussion  is  that  all  indications  point  to  England  as  the 
place  of  compilation. ^^^  This  circumstance  undoubtedly  gave 
a  special  prominence  to  exampla  in  England,  but  it  must  be 
realized  that  for  the  most  part  the  Gesta  is  no  more  English 

""  The  following  are  the  best  editions :  Sir  Frederick  Madden,  Middle 
English  text,  for  the  Roxburghe  Club,  1838;  Herman  Oesterley,  Latin  text, 
Berlin,  1872;  S.  J.  H.  Herrtage,  Middle  English  text,  for  the  E.  E.  T.  S., 
No.  33;   Rev.  Chas.  Swan,  Modern  English,  New  York,   1905. 

"^  From  the  time  of  Warton  and  Douce,  the  Gesta  has  been  the  sub- 
ject of  painstaking  research.  Since  Oesterley's  masterly  work  was  pub- 
lished  in    1872,    nothing   material   has   been    added. 

^^  Gesta,  ed.  Herrtage,  introd.,  viii.  The  popularity  and  influence  of  the 
work  is  suggested  by  the  fact  that  no  less  than  one  hundred  and  sixty-six 
manuscripts  have  been  found.     Ibid.,  xxvii. 

"'  Gesta,    ed.    Oesterley,    257. 

^*Ibid.,    254-55. 

""Ibid.,   262. 


80 

than  French,  German,  or  Itahan.  It  represents  the  universal 
clerical  spirit  of  an  age  in  which  story-telling  had  a  sort  of 
practical  value. 

It  would,  of  course,  be  an  error  to  consider  this  great  collec- 
tion merely  an  example-book.  The  early  date,  the  Latin  lan- 
guage, and  the  general  tone  of  the  work  indicate  that  it  was 
designed  primarily  for  clerics  ;^^®  but  it  is  more  than  a 
preachers'  manual.  Mingled  with  many  fables  and  short, 
typical  exempla/^'^  are  a  greater  number  of  elaborated  and 
purely  secular  tales."*  It  may,  therefore,  with  some  propriety 
be  looked  upon  as  a  transitional  work  between  collections  of 
exempla  and  compilations  of  tales  which,  though  sometimes 
didactic  in  tone,  were  largely  secular  in  content,  were  more 
pleasingly  told  for  popular  entertainment,  and  left  the  lesson 
to  be  drawn  without  the  aid  of  an  explanation.  On  the  one 
side  the  Gesta  points  to  the  collections  of  Gregory,  Nicole  de 
Bozon,  and  Jacques  de  Vitry;  on  the  other,  to  the  stories  of 
Boccaccio,  Gower,  and  Chaucer. ^^^ 

After  the  appearance  of  the  Gesta,  there  is  a  notable  increase 
in  the  number  of  secular  tales  in  exempla-books.  Often  the 
place  of  the  more  obvious  moral  of  the  monkish  legend  is  sup- 

"'  The  tales  are  unclassified,  but,  as  was  noted  in  the  introductory  chap- 
ter, the  combination  of  tabulation  and  moralization  was  not  introduced, 
apparently,  until  Johannes  Junior's  Scala  Celi,  about  1350. 

"'  The  following  representative  titles  need  no  explanation :  how  a  clerk 
was  saved  by  confession  and  penance  from  a  compact  with  the  devil 
(Herrtage,  p.  37s)  ;  how  a  nail  dropped  into  the  balance  of  good-deeds 
when  a  good  and  a  bad  angel  stood  disputing  over  a  departing  soul  (p.  379)  ; 
how  a  man  was  delivered  for  his  piety  (p.  379)  ;  how  certain  tempting 
devils  were  vanquished  (p.  380)  ;  how  a  bishop  was  damned  for  neglecting 
God's  warning  (p,  380)  ;  how  a  rich  man  was  punished  for  robbing  a  poor 
widow  (p.  386)  ;  old  favorites,  such  as  the  man  chased  by  a  unicorn,  the 
rustic  who  drank  ditch-water,  and  the  test  for  the  true  son,  are  not  wanting. 

"*  Typical  of  this  group  are:  the  story  of  Lear  and  his  three  daughters, 
the  three  caskets,  the  pound  of  flesh,  the  tale  of  Constance,  the  race  of 
Atalanta,  Androclus  and  the  lion,  Vergil's  speaking  statue. 

"'  D'Ancona  assumes  the  influence  of  monkish  on  secular  collections, 
the  beginning  of  which  he  puts  at  the  opening  of  the  fourteenth  century. 
See  Studi  di  Critica  e  storia  letteraria,  252.  Garnett  says  that  //  Novellino 
was  compiled  about  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century  "  with  a  distinct 
moral  purpose."     A  History  of  Italian  Literature,  85. 


81 

plied  by  the  attachment  of  an  ingenious  moralization.  The 
next  important  collections  compiled  in  England  illustrate  this 
new  departure.  These  were  two  books  by  an  English  Domini- 
can, John  Holkot,  who  was  a  professor  of  theology  at  Oxford 
at  the  time  of  his  death  in  1349.^-*'  One  of  these  works,  the 
Liber  de  Moralizationibus,^-^  consists  largely  of  classical  stories 
from  Ovid,  Pliny,  Valerius  Maximus,  and  ancient  history. 
Each  story  is  provided  with  an  elaborate  moralization  called  an 
"  expositio  moralis,"  or  "  tropologia."  The  collection,  although 
the  manuscripts  contain  only  from  forty-seven  to  seventy-five 
tales,^^-  had  considerable  popularity.  It  stands  with  the 
same  writer's  Liber  Sapientiae  as  the  most  notable  example- 
book  compiled  in  England  between  the  Gesta  Romanorum  and 
Bromyard's  Summa  Praedicantium. 

Holkot's  Liber  Sapientiae^"^^  consists  of  nineteen  chapters 
subdivided  into  two  hundred  and  eleven  "  lectiones."  The 
"  lectiones,"  which  run  together  in  a  very  confusing  manner, 
treat  a  great  number  of  topics  which  occupied  the  attention 
of  contemporary  clerics,  such  as  adultery,  avarice,  and  other 
sins,  the  love  of  God,  reward  of  virtue,  punishment  of  evil, 
miracles,  and  scores  of  allied  subjects. ^2*  These  discussions 
are  guided  by  Biblical  texts  freely  interspersed,  and  are  illus- 
trated by  a  heterogeneous  mass  of  historical  and  classical 
learning,  figures  of  speech,  natural  history  passages,  and 
exempla  comprising  fables,  monkish  legends,  and  secular 
tales. ^^^  Despite  an  index,  the  material  is  not  conveniently 
tabulated  but  it  appears  to  have  been  very  popular  among  the 

^^  See  Dictionary  of  National  Biography. 

"^  The  work  is  otherwise  known  as  Liber  de  Moralitatibus,  or  simply 
Moralitates.     It  is  printed  with  the  Liber  Sapientiae,  Basel,   1586. 

^  See  Oesterley's  Gesta,  246.  Some  of  Holkot's  tales  are  drawn  from 
the  Gesta. 

"*  It  is  sometimes  called  Opus  super  Sapientiam  Solomonis. 

"*  The  book  may  be  compared  in  general  method  of  composition  to 
Burton's  Anatomy  of  Melancholy,  although  the  relative  clearness  of  topical 
division  in  the  latter  is  marked.  A  prefixed  "  tabula,"  corresponding  rudely 
to  our  index,  furnishes  an  aid  to  those  sufficiently  initiated  to  use  it. 

""As  Crane  has  pointed  out,  the  extraordinary  number  of  citations  from 
pagan   authorities   is   noteworthy.     /.   de    V.,   introd.,   xcix. 

7 


82 

learned,  for  no  less  than  eight  editions  were  called  for  before 
1500.^26  1 

But  Holkot's  works,  and  even  the  Gesta,  are  surpassed  as 
collections  of  exempla  by  the  last  great  Latin  example-book 
compiled  in  England,  John  Bromyard's  Summa  Praedican- 
tium,'^^''  a  gigantic  work  which  rivals  the  most  famous  Con- 
tinental collections.  Like  Holkot,  Bromyard  was  a  Dominican. 
He  was  educated  at  Oxford  and  became  distinguished  in  juris- 
prudence there,  as  well  as  at  Cambridge,  where  he  lectured  on 
theology;  his  work  was,  therefore,  exceptionally  influential. 
The  great  Summa  contains  more  than  a  thousand  exempla; 
as  Goedke  remarks,  "  Scarcely  any  other  work  is  so  rich  in 
fables  and  tales. "^-^ 

The  book  is  divided  into  one  hundred  and  eighty-nine 
chapters,  treating  as  many  topics  arranged  alphabetically,  as, 
"gaudium,"  "gloria,"  "gratia,"  "gratitudo,"  "gula,"  etc. 
Mingled  with  the  discussion  on  these  topics  are  the  exempla, 
usually  indicated  by  the  word  "  exemplum  "  in  the  margin.  As 
Crane  puts  it,  they  represent  "  the  whole  body  of  mediaeval  and 
classical  literature  known  to  the  learned.  Scarcely  any  depart- 
ment of  these  two  great  divisions  is  unrepresented:  fables, 
legends,  mediaeval  epics.  Oriental  apologues,  anecdotes  from 
Roman  history,  from  Biblical  history,  popular  jests,  etc."^^' 
It  included  most  of  the  choice  tales  from  all  former  collections 
of  the  kind.^^"  With  its  completion  at  the  opening  of  the 
fifteenth  century,^^^  the  Latin  example-book  reached  its  highest 
development,  not  only  for  England  but  for  the  world. 

^^  See  Hain,  Repertorium  Bibtiographicum. 

^  First  edition  without  place  or  date  (probably  Basel,  1485),  2  vols., 
folio  (Union  Theological  Seminary).  Other  editions  are:  Nuremberg, 
1485,  1518,  1578;  Paris,  1518;  Lyons,  1522;  Venice,  1586;  Antwerp,  1614 
(Yale). 

^^  See   Orient  und  Occident,  I,   538. 

^^  See  "  Mediaeval  Sermon-books  and  Stories,"  in  Proceedings  of  the 
Amer.  Philosophical  Society  for  1883,  XXI,  71. 

^°"  The  present  treatment  of  the  Summa  is  frankly  disproportionate  to 
the  size  of  this  enormous  monument  to  the  collector's  industry.  But  the 
work  may  be  said  to  differ  from  those  already  treated,  in  bulk  rather  than  in 
kind. 

'"Bromyard  died  in  1418.  See  D.  N.  B.;  also  Crane,  "Mediaeval  Ser- 
mon-books and  Stories"  Amer,  Phil.  Soc,  XXI,   70. 


83 

To  sum  up, — England  was  largely  indebted  to  Continental 
sources  for  the  tales  in  her  formal  example-books,  and  in  the 
number  of  famous  collections  was  not  so  fruitful  as  Germany, 
France,  and  Italy,  where  churchmen  were  more  numerous  and 
tales  had  a  greater  circulation.  But,  aside  from  smaller  com- 
pilations, her  contribution  was  by  no  means  insignificant,  as  is 
shown  by  the  Liber  Exemplorum,  the  Speculum  Laicorum,  the 
Gesta  Romanorum,  the  Liber  de  Moralisationibus,  the  Liber 
Sapientiae,  and  the  Summa  Praedicanfium. 


CHAPTER  IV 

The  Exemplum  in  Popular  Homiletic  Literature  after 
THE  Coming  of  the  Friars 

At  the  opening  of  the  thirteenth  century,  as  we  have  seen, 
exempla  were  chiefly  confined  to  Latin  literature  and  were 
in  the  hands  of  clerics  and  scholars ;  larger  use  in  the 
vernacular  was  needed  to  bring  them  into  more  common 
knowledge.  This  end  was  advanced  mainly  by  the  coming  of 
the  Dominican  and  Franciscan  friars,  who  completely  revolu- 
tionized preaching  in  England,  as  elsewhere.  It  has  already 
been  shown  that  at  the  opening  of  the  thirteenth  century  there 
was  little  preaching;  and  that  this  was  practically  confined 
to  the  country  districts.  "  In  the  towns  there  were  but  few 
priests,  and  these  were  frequently  but  ill-educated  and  unfitted 
to  cope  with  the  difficulties  of  the  situation."^  J.  S.  Brewer, 
in  the  preface  to  the  Monumenta  Franciscana,  says,  "The 
inhabitant  of  the  town  .  .  .  had  to  struggle  on  to  light  and  order, 
self-taught  and  self-sustained."^  The  change  which  resulted 
with  the  coming  of  the  friars  was  immediate,  and  their  success 
pronounced.^  The  Dominicans  came  to  Dover  early  in  August, 
I22I,  and  were  cordially  received  by  Archbishop  Langton.  On 
August  lo,  they  were  preaching  in  London,  and  on  the  15th 
they  appeared  in  Oxford.  Just  three  years  later,  on  September 
II,  1224,  came  the  Franciscans,  who  quickly  spread  through- 
out the  populous  districts.  By  the  autumn  of  1225  they  were 
established  at  Canterbury  and  London;  in  1226  they  were 
settled  in  Lynn,  Yarmouth,  and  Norwich.  Welcomed  and 
encouraged  by  Grosseteste,  Bishop  of  Lincoln,*  they  were  soon 
working  in  other  towns,  such  as  York,  Bristol,  and  Shrewsbury. 
Some  of  England's  best  men  joined  the  order;  others  came 

*  Father  Cuthbert,  The  Friars  and  how  they  came  to  England,  4. 
^  Monumenta  Franciscana,  I,  preface,  xi, 

'  A.  Jessop,  The  Coming  of  the  Friars,  32—33. 

*  See  F.  S.  Stevenson,  Robert  Grosseteste,  32,  59  seq.,   146. 

84 


85 

from  abroad.  Thirty  years  after  their  first  arrival,  there 
were  in  England  twelve  hundred  and  forty-two  Franciscans, 
with  forty-nine  monasteries.^  Surely  England  had  experienced 
an  awakening.  Bishop  Grosseteste,  in  a  letter  to  Pope  Gregory 
IX,  writes,  about  1238:  "They  [the  friars]  illuminate  the 
whole  country  with  the  light  of  their  preaching  and  learning. 
...  If  your  Holiness  could  see  with  what  devotion  and  humility 
the  people  run  to  hear  the  word  of  life  from  them,  for  confes- 
sion and  instruction  in  daily  life,  and  how  much  improvement 
the  clergy  and  the  regulars  have  obtained  hy  imitating  them,^ 
you  would  indeed  say  that '  upon  them  that  dwell  in  the  light  of 
the  shadow  of  death  hath  the  light  shined.'  "'^  A  new  religious 
era  in  England  had  begun. 

The  wonderful  success  of  the  friars  was  due  in  great  part  to 
their  homiletic  method.  Previous  to  their  coming,  the  clergy 
had  become  incapable  of  making  an  effective  appeal,  because  of 
their  addiction  to  law  and  logic.  Giraldus  Cambrensis  com- 
plains of  this  tendency  and  attributes  to  such  scholastic  pur- 
suits the  inefficiency  of  his  contemporaries  in  the  pulpit.^ 
This  dry  scholasticism  had  been  somewhat  mitigated  by  1200, 
owing  to  the  establishment  of  Peter  Lombard's  Sentences  as  a 
standard  text-book  in  the  theological  schools.  The  work  con- 
stituted, in  a  measure,  a  reaction  against  the  excessive  use  of 
abstract  reasoning  in  sermons.  Aiming  to  substitute  authority 
for  logic,  Peter  Lombard's  plan  was  to  collect  under  the  heads 
of  important  theological  questions,  such  statements  from 
Scripture  and  patristic  writings  as  aided  in  the  solution 
thereof.^     But  a  miore  practical  and  appealing  method  was 

"  Jessop,  op.  cit.,  34  seq. 

•  The  italics  are  mine. 

'  Stevenson,    op.    cit.,    79. 

'  Giraldi  Cambrensis  Opera,  II,  Chap,  xxxvii,  "  De  literaturae  defectu  ex 
legum  humanarum  et  logices  abusu  proveniente" ;  see  also  Mon.  Fran., 
preface,   xxxiv,   Ixxxvii. 

"Stevenson,  op.  cit.,  19.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  Peter  Lombard  simply 
brought  into  compact  form,  a  class  of  material  which  had  always  been 
more  or  less  favored ;  he  systematized  the  appeal  to  authorities.  His 
work  may  be  said  to  have  become  the  starting-point  for  an  entirely  new 
set  of  commentaries. 


8G 

instituted  by  these  friars,  who  went  out  "  to  preach  the  gospel 
to  all  the  world."  Preaching,  which  had  been  occupied  with 
abstract  discussions  and  formal  statements  of  doctrine,  became 
human,  simple,  and  personal."  The  friars  told  of  Christ's 
life  at  Nazareth,  of  his  pity,  love  and  compassion.  Their  mes- 
sage was  spoken  from  wide  experience  and  in  plain,  unaffected 
language.  Incidents  of  daily  life,  drawn  from  constant  inter- 
course with  all  sorts  and  conditions  of  men,  were  freely  used 
for  illustrations.^^  "  Their  sermons,"  says  Brewer,  "  are  full 
of  pithy  stories  and  racy  anecdotes ;  now  introducing  some 
popular  tradition  or  legend,  now  enforcing  a  moral  by  some 
fable  or  allegory."^^  The  stories  which  had  been  accumulating 
in  the  cloisters,  reposing  in  Latin  collections  and  treatises,  and 
at  most  only  scantily  represented  in  the  pulpit,  were  now 
poured  out  in  the  vernacular  by  the  enthusiastic  friars  who 
overran  Europe.^^ 

"  Mon.  Fran.,   preface,   xxxviii. 

"  The  Friars  and  how  they  came  to  England,  106-7.  The  Franciscans, 
and  particularly  the  Dominicans,  conveyed  much  dogmatic  instruction  on 
the  chief  truths  of  religion,  but  they  made  these  truths  alive  and  appealing. 
It  is  of  interest  to  observe  in  the  contemporary  mystery  and  morality  plays, 
the  same  desire  to  vitalize  and  visualize  religious  and  moral  teaching. 

"Mom.  Fran.,  preface,  li. 

"  Lecoy  de  la  Marche  says :  II  ne  faut  pas  oublier  que  les  deux  nou- 
veaux  ordres  voues  au  ministere  de  la  parole,  les  Freres  Precheurs  et  les 
Freres  Mineurs,  s'en  allant  a  travers  les  villes  et  villages,  haranguant  les 
fideles  sur  les  places  publiques  aussi  bien  que  dans  I'figlise,  sur  les  grands 
chemins  comme  dans  les  lieux  consacres,  avaient  le  plus  souvent  affaire  a 
des  auditoires  simples  et  naifs.  L' eloquence  populaire  etait  leur  fait ;  ils 
recitaient  point  des  discours  savants;  ils  n'entraient  guere  dans  les  raison- 
nements  ni  dans  les  abstractions.  lis  improvisaient,  ils  instruisaient,  et 
ils  racontaient."  Anecdotes  historiques,  introd.,  11.  Meray,  after  speak- 
ing of  the  widespread  influence  of  the  Dominicans  and  Franciscans,  says : 
"  II  [the  friar]  ne  negligea  rien  pour  interesser  son  auditoire :  fables  in- 
genieuses,  pantomimes  bizarres,  contes  grivois,  legendes  dramatisees. 
Leurs  sermons  etaient  pour  le  peuple  un  repertoire  inepuisable  d'emotions 
tour  a  tour  comiques  et  tragiques  du  plus  vivant  effet."  La  Vie  au  Temps 
des  litres  Precheurs,  I,  55-6.  See  also  Deutsche  Predigten  der  XIII  und 
XIV  Jahrhunderten  (Bibl.  der  gesammt.  deutsch.  nat.  Lit.),  edited  by  Dr. 
Herman  Leyser,  introd.,  15;  also  W.  Scherer,  A  History  of  German 
Literature,  translated  by  Mrs.  F.  C.  Conybeare,  I,  226-27. 


87 

The  popular  sermons  of  these  friars  during  the  first  half 
of  the  thirteenth  century  are  rarely  preserved.  The  fact  seems 
to  be  that  a  large  amount  of  this  preaching  was  extempore  and 
with  the  Franciscans  remained  so  for  a  long  time.^*  After  the 
middle  of  the  century,  Dominican  collections  of  Latin  sermons 
containing  exempla  become  more  plentiful.  They  were  com- 
monly designed  for  the  Sunday  and  Festival  services  of  the 
whole  year,  and  were  often  supplied  with  an  appended  collec- 
tion of  exempla,  known  as  a  promptuarium.  Among  the 
notable  works  of  this  kind,  England  is  not  represented  until  the 
time  of  John  Felton,  who  flourished  about  1430.^^  But 
although  such  monuments  are  wanting,  the  exemplum,  as  we 
have  seen,  had  been  popularized  by  the  friars. 

Except  in  the  sermons,  which  were  still  written  in  Latin, 
the  exemplum  was  rarely  used  during  the  thirteenth  century.^^ 
Here  and  there  a  few  scattered  instances  may  be  found. 
Vices  and  Virtues,  for  example,  written  about  1200,  contains 
several  Biblical  references  and  one  developed  exemplum. ^^ 
The  Ancren  Riwle,  influenced  probably  by  Aldhelm's  De 
Laudibus  Virginitatis  and  other  Latin  treatises,  also  contains  a 
few.  In  speaking  of  the  Ancren  Riwle,  Ten  Brink  says,  "  We 
cannot   fail  to   recognize  the  workings   of  a  new  school  of 

"  Aubertin  says :  "  L'eloquence  des  Freres  mineurs  ou  Franciscains  etait 
plus  simple  et  plus  familiere  que  celle  des  Dominicains ;  alors  meme  qu'ils 
subirent  I'empire  de  la  scholastique,  leur  predication  garda  une  allure  toute 
populaire.  C'est  ce  qui  nous  explique  le  petit  nombre  de  leurs  sermons 
ecrits."     Histoire  de  la  Langue  et  de  la  Litterature  frangaises,  II,  316. 

"See  D.  N.  B.;  also  Crane,  7.  de  V.,  introd.,  Ixi-lxii.  In  this  introduc- 
tion Crane  gives  (pp.  liii  seq.)  a  very  satisfactory  account  of  the  notable 
collections  of  the  kind  under  discussion.  They  proceeded  largely  from  the 
Dominicans  of  France,  Italy,  and  especially  Germany. 

^®  It  is  very  likely  that  many  works  containing  exempla  have  been  de- 
stroyed. Small,  in  the  introduction  to  the  English  Metrical  Homilies, 
says  :  "  This  collection  is  remarkable  in  many  respects,  more  especially  from 
its  containing  numerous  legends  of  saints  and  illustrative  tales,  which  must 
have  rendered  it  a  very  popular  book  in  the  Middle  Ages.  At  the  same 
time  these  legends  in  all  probability  marked  it  out  as  an  object  of  mutila- 
tion or  destruction  at  the  period  of  the  Reformation,  when  so  many 
memorials  of  the  former  religion  were  destroyed  by  the  zeal  of  the  reform- 
ers." 

"  V.  and  v.,  Pt.  I,  148.     The  exemplum  is  from  the  Vitae  Patrutn. 


88 

preachers,  though  the  author  neither  resorts  to  the  most 
common  topics  of  daily  hfe  nor  interweaves  any  true  fables 
[eigentliche  Marchen]  into  his  work."^^  This  is  not  quite 
true,  since  one  of  the  indications  of  this  new  school,  which  Ten 
Brink  has  perhaps  overlooked,  is  the  presence  of  narrative 
illustrations.  A  number  of  these  are  brief  references.  For 
instance,  the  evil  of  too  much  "looking"  is  exemplified  by 
Lucifer's  fatal  self-admiration;  likewise,  Eve  became  sinful  by 
seeing  the  apple  which  wrought  such  destruction.^^  Monkish 
legends,  however,  are  not  wanting.  Four  of  these  are  nar- 
rated in  some  detail  and  four  others  appear  as  familiar  refer- 
ences. To  illustrate  the  efficacy  of  prayer,  the  writer  tells  the 
oft-repeated  legend  of  the  flying  fiend  who  was  stopped  by  a 
holy  man  at  prayer.^"  He  then  adds,  as  if  the  incident  needed 
only  recalling,  "Have  ye  not  heard  also  this  of  the  devil 
Ruffinus,  Belial's  brother,  in  our  English  book  of  St. 
Margaret?-^  And  the  other  devil  of  which  we  read  that  he 
cried  loudly  to  St.  Bartholomew,  who  was  much  in  prayer,  and 
said:  '  Incendunt  me  orationes  tuae.'"  In  speaking  of  the 
necessity  of  keeping  ever  upright,  he  tells  of  a  woman  who  in 
an  unguarded  moment  was  beguiled  by  the  devil  and  continued 
in  sin  for  twenty  years. ^^  To  show  the  evil  consequences  of 
incomplete  confession,  the  much-favored  return- from-death 
theme  is  used.^^  References  to  "  another  man  "  and  "  a  lady," 
who  had  well  nigh  been  damned  for  trivial  faults,  follow  the 
above  tale.  In  cautioning  the  anchoresses  against  all  carnal 
ease  and  indulgence,  he  asks,  "And  have  ye  never  heard  the 
story  of  the  three  holy  men?"  One  of  these  was  wont  to  use 
hot  spices  and  to  lust  after  meat  and  drink,  whereas  the  other 
two,  even  when  sick,  took  what  God  sent  them  "  nor  ever  made 
much  ado  about  ginger,  or  valerian,  or  cloves."    One  day  the 

^History  of  English  Literature,  I,  201. 

^^ Ancren  Riwle,  53;  for  similar  illustrations  see  pp.  55,  57,  67,  122,  155, 
161,    171,  271,   299,   335. 

'^Ibid.,  245. 

''^The  Lives  of  St.  Margaret,  St.  Juliana,  and  St.  Katherine  had  recently 
appeared   in    English. 

'^  Ancren  Riwle,  267. 

^Ibid.,   315. 


89 

three  fell  asleep  and  the  Queen  of  Heaven  came  with  two 
hand-maidens  who  bore  a  spoon  of  gold  and  an  electuary.  The 
Queen  directed  the  maidens  to  attend  two  of  the  men  but  not 
the  eater  of  spices,  for,  as  she  said,  " '  He  is  his  own  physi- 
cian.'"^^  Before  drawing  the  moral,  the  writer  says,  "A  holy 
man  stood  not  far  off  and  beheld  all  this."^^  These  exempla 
are  told  in  good  faith  by  the  learned  author,  but  instead  of 
being  drawn  from  his  own  experience  they  are  taken  from  the 
saints'  legends  or  other  collections  of  pious  tales,  which  were 
now  becoming  plentiful  throughout  the  Christian  world.  The 
implication  that  the  women  probably  knew  some  of  these  inci- 
dents is  suggestive  of  some  familiarity  with  the  legends,  at  least 
among  the  elect. 

But  while,  during  the  thirteenth  century,  the  exemplum  was 
being  popularized  in  the  pulpit,  it  was,  apparently,  little  used 
elsewhere.  A  long  time  elapses  after  the  Ancren  Riwle  (c. 
1225)  before  we  reach  another  English  work  employing 
exempla.  Then,  greatly  influenced  and  increased  in  number  by 
saints'  legends,  the  type  appears  in  greater  prominence  than 
ever  before. 

In  view  of  the  importance  of  saints'  legends,  not  only  as 
material  for  exempla  but  as  substitutes  for  sermons,  we  may 
turn  for  a  moment  to  English  hagiography.-®    From  the  very 

^'^  Ancren  Riwle,  371. 

^  An  amusing  note  on  the  margin  of  the  manuscript  runs,  " '  David  Frys, 
of  Brantom,  may  believe  this  storie,  whoe  hath  al  read  it.'  " 

^  Although  they  constitute  a  prolific  source  for  exempla,  the  Latin  lives 
of  individual  saints,  produced  in  such  great  numbers  both  in  England  and 
on  the  Continent,  and  the  voluminous  Latin  collections,  such  as  the  Vitae 
Patrum  and  the  Acta  Sanctorum,  may  only  be  mentioned  here.  As  Scherer 
says,  there  is,  even  in  the  eleventh  century,  an  "  enormous  wealth  of 
sacred  legends,  forming  a  complete  Christian  heroic  cycle,  and  running 
through  the  whole  scale  from  harmless  pious  tales  to  exciting  sensational 
romances."  A  History  of  German  Literature,  I,  74.  See  Horstmann, 
Altenglische  Legenden,  Neue  Folge,  introd.,  for  a  brief  but  good  study  of 
the  legendaries.  Among  the  Latin  lives  produced  in  England  may  be 
mentioned  Aelfric's  Vita  Aethelwoldi,  Lanferth's  Miracula  S.  Swithini, 
Eadmer's  Vita  Anselmi,  Wm.  of  Malmesbury's  Vita  Aldhelmi.  Then,  under 
Norman  influence,  came  the  saints'  legends  of  such  men  as  Wace,  Walter 
Map,  John  of  Salisbury,  and  Gervase  of  Tilbury.  See  Horstmann,  Altengl, 
Leg.,  N,  F.,  introd.,  xli-xlii. 


90 

beginnings  of  English  literature,  the  lives  of  saints  were 
popular.  In  the  second  half  of  the  eighth  century  we  have 
the  Guthlac,  Juliana,  Andreas,  and  Elene,^''  and  after  the 
reformation  directed  by  Dunstan  and  Aethelwold  there  was 
increased  zeal  in  the  production  of  saints'  lives.  The  chief 
result  was  Aelfric's  Metrical  Lives  of  Saints  (996-97),  trans- 
lated from  Latin  originals.^^  In  his  greeting  to  Aethelwerd, 
Aelfric  refers  to  the  former  homilies  which  contained  "  pas- 
sions and  lives  of  the  saints  which  the  English  nation  honoreth 
with  festivals."  "  Now,"  he  continues,  "  it  has  seemed  good  to 
us  that  we  should  write  this  book  concerning  the  sufferings  and 
lives  of  the  saints  whom  monks  in  their  offices  honor  amongst 
themselves. "^^  In  Skeat's  edition  there  are  thirty-seven 
chapters,  which,  with  a  few  exceptions  (de  Temporale),  were 
intended  to  be  read  as  homilies  for  the  Saints'  Days  ordained 
by  the  Church.^"'  Bruno  Assman  has  printed  other  Old  Eng- 
lish saints'  lives :  two  of  St.  Margaret,  the  legend  of  the  holy 
Veronica,  and  three  lives  from  the  Vitae  Patrum,  all  of  which 
are  in  prose. ^^ 

Then  came  the  beginning  of  the  universal  flourishing  period 
of  the  legend,^-  with  the  three  early  Middle  English  lives  of 

'"All  were  based  on  Latin  originals.  See  Korting,  Grundriss  (1905  ed.), 
53-6.  A  poem  on  Thomas,  similar  to  the  Andreas,  must  have  existed,  for 
Aelfric  states,  "  The  passion  of  Thomas  we  leave  unwritten  because  it  has 
long  since  been  turned  into  English  in  song-wise."     Homilies,  II,  521. 

^  Aelfric  says  of  them,  "  transtulimus  de  Latinitate  ad  usitatam  Anglicam 
sermocinationem."  Lives  of  Saints,  1,  2.  On  the  sources  see  the  disserta- 
tion by  J.  H.  Ott,  Uber  die  Quellen  der  Heiligenleben  in  Aelfric's  Lives 
of  Saints.  According  to  Ott,  the  chief  sources  were :  Mombritius,  Sanctuar- 
ium  sive  Vitae  Sanctorum ;  Surius,  De  probatis  sanctorum  historiis;  and  the 
Acta  Sanctorum.  Many  other  works,  such  as  the  Vitae  Patrum,  the  writ- 
ings of  Gregory  the  Great,  and  Beda's  Ecclesiastical  History,  were  used. 

"  Aelfric's  Lives  of  Saints,  I,  5. 

"'  Cf.  the  Menologium,  or  Saints'  Calendar,  published  in  Grein-Wulker's 
Bibl.  der  angels.  Poesie,  II,  282  seq.  On  the  legendaries  and  other  reading- 
books  of  the  Church,  see  Wordsworth  and  Littlehales,  The  Old  Service- 
Books  of   the  English   Church,    129   seq. 

^  Angelsdchsische  Homilien  und  Heiligenleben,  printed  in  Grein-Wiilker's 
Bibl.  der  angels.  Prosa,  III,   170  seq. 

^' "  Um  1200  begann  sich  dieselbe  geistliche  Minne  in  der  umfangreich- 
eren  Gattung  zu  aussern.     Die  lateinische  Legende  war  im  Laufe  des  XII. 


91 

St.  Margaret,^^  St.  Juliana,  and  St.  Katherine,  based  upon 
Latin  originals,  which  are  abridged  or  elaborated  with  a 
freedom  characteristic  of  English  legend  translators  and  com- 
pilers.^* These  pieces  were  calculated  to  inspire  in  women 
emulation  of  the  saintly  life  which  was  receiving  such  encour- 
agement at  the  opening  of  the  thirteenth  century.  It  was  at 
about  this  time  that  the  Anglo-Norman,  Chardri,  produced  his 
marvelous  legend,  the  Sept  Dormants;  and  in  1212  appeared  in 
England  a  verse  translation  of  Gregory's  Dialogues,  contain- 
ing many  abstracts  from  saints'  lives.^^ 

Between  1270-90  appeared  on  the  Continent  a  collection  of 
Latin  saints'  legends  which,  owing  to  its  complete  and  well- 
written  list  of  lives,  soon  superseded  the  scattered  legends  as 
a  source  of  exempla.^®  This  was  the  famous  Legenda  Aurea^'' 
of  Jacobus  de  Voragine,  Archbishop  of  Genoa.     It  formed  the 

Jahrhunderts  unter  Aufnahme  keltischer  und  orientalischer  Heiliger,  so 
aufgebliiht,  dass  sie  die  Geschichtschreibung  uberwucherte,  besonders  bei 
William  von  Malmesbury,  Henry  von  Huntington,  Geoffrey  von  Monmouth, 
also  in  der  Nachbarschaft  des  bardenreichen  Wales."  Brandl,  in  Paul's 
Grundriss,  II,  Pt.  I,  617. 

'^  The  editor,  Oswald  Cockayne,  prints  a  prose  version  which  he  calls 
"a  text  of  1200,"  and  a  poetic  version  which  he  calls  "a  text  of  1330." 

^  See  Life  of  St.  Katherine,  introd.,  xx.  Horstmann  says  of  the  pieces 
under  discussion,  "  Sie  stehen  offenbar  unter  der  Einwirkung  des  franzosis- 
chen  Kunstepos,  doch  ist  der  Stil  durchaus  eigenartig  national,  echt  volks- 
tumlich  episch,  eher  germanischen  als  franzosischen  Characters,  mit  eigen- 
thiimlichen  Wendungen,  Attributen  und  Gleichnissen,  plastisch,  und  von 
tiefster  Empfindung  durchdrungen."     Altengl.  Leg.,  N.  F.,  introd.,  xlii. 

^°  See  Gaston  Paris,  La  Litterature  frangaise  an  Moyen  Age,  232. 
Anglo-Normans,  such  as  Wa'ce,  and  many  Frenchmen  were  actively  engaged 
in  turning  out  legends  of  the  Virgin,  saints'  lives,  and  translations  of  the 
classic  oriental  collections  of  tales,  such  as  the  Seven  Sages,  and  the 
Barlaam  and  Josaphat,  during  the  thirteenth  century.  See  ibid..  Chap.  V, 
"  Les  Legendes  hagiographiques." 

*•  See  Crane,  7.  de   V.,  introd.,  Ixx. 

^  Dr.  Graesse's  edition  of  the  Legenda  contains  no  fewer  than  two 
hundred  and  forty-three  items.  An  English  translation  of  the  book  was 
finished  in  1438.  Another  English  version,  made  by  Caxton  from  "a 
legend  in  French,  another  in  Latin,  and  a  third  in  English,"  was  twice 
printed  (1484  and  1487?).  Horstmann,  Altengl.  Leg.,  N.  F.,  introd.,  cxxx. 
It  is  worthy  of  note  that  an  abridgment  of  the  Barlaam  and  Josaphat  was 
used  in  the  Legenda  Aurea.  See  Ward's  Catalogue,  II,  129  seq.  Caxton's 
Golden  Legend  has  been  edited  by  F.  S.  Ellis,  7  vols.,  Temple  Classics,  1900. 


92 

basis  of  such  later  English  compilations  as  the  legendary- 
attributed  to  Barbour,^*  Mirk's  Festial  (c.  1400),  and  Boken- 
ham's  Lives  of  Saints  (1443-46).^® 

Slightly  later,  probably,  than  the  Legenda  Aurea,  was  pro- 
duced the  notable  collection  of  legends  in  English,  known  as 
the  South  English  Legendary,*'^  the  work  of  the  monks  of  the 
Abbey  of  Gloucester.  The  collection  consists  of  narratives  for 
each  of  the  saints'  days,  and  a  "  Temporale  "  for  the  festivals 
of  Christ,  the  Advent,  Christmas,  the  Passion,  and  Easter;  in 
some  manuscripts  there  is  also  a  life  of  Christ.*^  Before  it  was 
completed,  parts  of  it  seem  to  have  been  circulated  and  aug- 
mented in  neighboring  abbeys,  with  the  result  that  the  numer- 
ous manuscripts  differ  considerably  in  details.*-  As  might  be 
expected  from  such  a  method  of  production,  the  work  is  uneven 
and  sometimes  crude;  but  the  accounts  of  sacrifice,  purity, 
compassion,  holiness,  and  other  virtues  and  vices,  were  suffi- 
ciently artistic  to  satisfy  the  preachers  and  moralists  who  used 
them  as  exempla. 

Before  passing  to  the  North  English  Legend  and  Homily 
Collection,  I  wish  to  mention  the  Cursor  Mundi,  that  ponder- 
ous narrative  compilation  from  Biblical  and  secular  sources, 
saints'  legends,  contes  devots,  and  apochryphal  gospels.  Like 
the  works  which  we  have  been  considering,  the  Cursor  Mundi 
was  an  effort  to  put  into  permanent  vernacular  form  the 
treasures  which  abounded  in  Latin.  This  attempt  to  stimulate 
religious  observance  and  morality  in  the  people  by  holding  up 
to  admiration  the  lives  of  Christ,  Mary,  and  holy  men,  had 
already  to  a  certain  extent  been  made  through  the  pulpit. 
Early  in  the  history  of  the  Church  the  legend  played  a  part  in 

*'  The  attribution  has  been  seriously  questioned ;  see  Camb.  Hist,  of  Eng. 
Lit.,  II,  146. 

^  See  Horstmann,  Altengl.  Leg.,  N.  F.,   introd.,  xxxix. 

*"  The  Early  South  English  Legendary,  edited  by  Horstmann.  The  editor 
states  (Pt.  I,  introd.,  viii)  that  the  Legenda  Aurea  and  the  S.  E.  Legendary 
were    independently    compiled. 

*^  See  ibid.,  introd.,  xiii-xxiv,  for  contents  of  the  MSS. 

"As  is  usually  the  case  with  collections  of  this  kind,  the  number  of 
titles  increases  with  the  later  manuscripts;  the  earliest  (1285-95)  has 
sixty-seven  items ;  the  latest  (fifteenth  century)  has  one  hundred  and 
thirty-five. 


93 

the  service.  At  first  it  appeared  only  as  a  minor  interpolation 
into  such  offices  as  the  mass ;  later  it  came  to  have  a  prominent 
place,  and  even  supplanted  the  gospels  in  the  festival  services.*^ 
A  number  of  the  Blickling  and  Old  English  Homilies  are,  as  I 
pointed  out,  narratives  of  the  lives  of  holy  men.  Aelfric's 
Sermones  contained  several  of  the  same  kind,  and  his  Lives 
of  Saints  was  a  thoroughgoing  effort,  the  first  in  English,  to 
supply  a  complete  set  of  festival  homilies.  The  flourishing 
period  of  the  saints'  legends  found  adequate  expression  in  the 
South  English  Legendary,  and  the  North  English  Collection,'^*' 
which  appeared  shortly  after.  So  highly  favored  were  the 
legends  at  this  time  that  where  they  had  not  wholly  supplanted 
the  gospels,  as  in  the  Sunday  sermons,  they  were  almost  as 
prominent  in  the  office  of  exempla,*^  which  rivaled  in  length  the 
Biblical  portions  of  the  discourses. 

^ "  Schon  in  der  altesten  Zeit  wurden  an  den  Festtagen  der  Heiligen 
besondere  Sermones  de  Sanctis  gehalten,  worin  der  Bischof  oder  Prediger 
die  vor  der  Epistel  gelesene  Legende  besprach  ;  spater,  zur  Zeit  der  Herr- 
schaft  der  Homilie,  wurden  eigene  Homilien  fiir  die  Heiligenfeste  iiber  den 
Text  des  festtaglichen  Evangeliums  unter  die  Homiliensammlung  aufge- 
nommen."        Horstmann,   Altengl.  Leg.,   N.   F.,   introd.,   xxiv. 

**  It  is  of  interest  to  observe  the  characteristic  diversity  of  matter  and 
manner  in  the  legend  collections,  with  their  subjects  drawn,  now  from 
the  Orient,  now  from  Ireland ;  at  one  time  rising  to  the  most  delicate  poetic 
expression,  and  again  dealing  crudely  with  the  most  ludicrous  or  revolt- 
ing topics. 

**In  addition  to  the  collected  legends,  and  the  single  lives  previously 
mentioned,  there  were  now  available  for  exempla  many  separate  Middle 
English  legends  dealing  with  such  subjects  as  St.  Eustace,  St.  Ethelred, 
St.  Edmund,  and  St.  Christopher.  Printed  by  Horstmann,  Altengl.  Leg., 
N.  F.  There  were  also  numerous  conies  devots,  such  as  "  Marina " 
(Altengl.  Leg.,  1878  ed.)  and  legends  of  the  Virgin.  For  examples  of 
these,  see  Herrig's  Archiv,  LVI,  where  nine,  the  remains  of  a  large  col- 
lection, are  printed  from  the  Vernon  MS.  Fifteen  brief  prose  Mary 
legends  appear  in  Anglia,  for  1880.  All  the  legends  of  this  sort  give 
striking    proof,    in    the    words    of    a    typical    introduction,    of 

"  How  owre  lady  helpe  cane 
That    to    hyre    clepe    at    nede." 

("  Of  the  good  knight  and  his  jealous  wife  " ;  see  Altengl.  Leg.,  N.  F.,  329). 
France  was  even  more  active  in  the  production  and  translation  (from  the 
Latin)  of  Mary  legends.     The  most  notable  collection  was  the  Miracles  de 


94 

This  was  the  situation  at  the  opening  of  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tury, when  the  friars  had  thoroughly  estabHshed  the  exemplum, 
which  now  began  to  appear  in  large  numbers  in  English  ser- 
mons and  didactic  treatises.  We  may  proceed  to  examine  four 
important  collections  of  popular  homiletic  literature,  which 
represent  the  nature  and  prominence  of  exempla  in  fourteenth 
century  sermons.  The  North  English  Homily  Collection 
belongs  to  the  early  part  of  the  century ;  the  Contes  Moralizes 
of  Nicole  de  Bozon  appeared  about  the  end  of  the  first  quarter ; 
the  prose  treatises  of  Richard  Rolle  and  his  followers  close 
the  mid-century ;  and  John  Mirk's  Festial  comes  at  the  end. 

The  North  English  Homily  Collection*^  is  a  set  of  verse 
homilies  which,  though  probably  intended  for  general  distribu- 
tion, was  read  in  church,  just  as  were  the  saints'  lives.*^  There 
was  still,  apparently,  a  lack  of  gospel  literature  in  the  ver- 
nacular for  the  author  in  his  prologue  writes 

"  On  Ingelis  tong  that  alle  may 
Understand  quat  I  wil  say, 
For  laued  men  havis  mar  mister, 
Codes  word   for  to   her, 
Than  klerkes  that  thair  mirour  lokes, 
And   sees   hou   thai   sal   lif   on   bokes, 
And   bathe    klerk   and    laued    man, 
Englis  understand  kan, 
That   was   born    in    Ingeland, 
And  lang  haves  ben  thar  in  wonand, 
Bot  al  men  can  noht,  I  wis, 

Nostre  Dame  of  Gautier  de  Coinci  (d.  1236),  previously  mentioned.  See 
Gaston  Paris,  op.  cit.,  Chap.  IV,  "  La  Legende  de  la  Vierge."  For  a  more 
extended  study,  see  Mussafia,  loc.  cit.,  above,  p.  74. 

*^  English  Metrical  Homilies,  edited  by  John  Small.  This  edition  of  a 
part  of  the  N.  E.  Horn.  Coll.  is  based  upon  the  fragmentary  fourteenth 
century  MS.,  Edinburgh,  Royal  College  of  Physicians.  Besides  this  MS. 
there  are  seven  others  of  the  original  form  of  the  collection,  one  of  which 
contains  the  exempla  only.  There  are  also  four  expanded  and  two  frag- 
ments of  expanded  collections.  All  of  these,  except  MS.  Phillipps  8254 
which  he  did  not  know,  are  minutely  described  by  Horstmann,  Altengl. 
Leg.,   N.    F.   introd.,   Ix   seq. 

"  A  direction  following  a  Latin  passage  in  one  of  the  sermons  runs, 
"  Isti  versus  omittantur  a  lectore  quando  legit  Anglicum  coram  laycis." 
Eng.  Metr.  Horn.,  28. 


95 

Understand    Latin    and    Frankis, 

Forthi  me  think  almous  it  isse, 

To  wirke  sum  god  thing  on  Inglisse."** 

In  general  plan,  these  homilies  are  similar  to  the  Ormulum; 
that  is,  they  open  with  a  paraphrase  of  Scriptural  text  and  con- 
tinue with  an  exposition  which  frequently  follows  the  tradi- 
tional method  of  symbolism.  Citations  from  St.  Augustine, 
Gregory,  and  Beda  also  recall  the  earlier  school,  but  in  flexi- 
bility and  conciseness  of  style  the  collection  shows  plainly  the 
effects  of  Norman  influence.  Moreover,  a  marked  difference 
is  to  be  noted  in  the  use  of  an  exemplum  at  the  close  of  each 
homily. 

The  illustrative  tale  is  here  prominent.  The  homilist  leads 
up  to  the  chief  lesson  of  the  discourse  and  then  illustrates  or 
confirms  the  point  by  a  narrative,  usually  as  long  as  the  preced- 
ing discussion.  These  exempla,*^  being  in  verse  and  consider- 
ably influenced  by  the  legendaries,  are  more  literary  in  character 
than  the  brusque  example-book  versions.  The  number  of 
sources  drawn  upon  is  fairly  large  and  the  diversity  of  the  tales 
correspondingly  great.  From  Professor  Gerould's  admirable 
study  of  the  tales,^"  I  am  able  to  make  the  following  tabula- 
tion, which  indicates  the  kind  of  tales  and  the  sources  used.  I 
shall  group  according  to  sources,  following  Professor  Gerould's 
numbering  of  the  tales. 

Vitae  Patrum 

6  St.   Anthony   and  the   snares 

7  St.    Machary 

19  The  uncharitable  hermit 

23  The  hermit  and  the  thieves 
26  The  devil   in   church 

24  Taysis 

2,7  The    monk   who    was    harsh    in    judging 
41  The    thrifty    gardner" 

^  Eng.  Metr.  Horn.,  3-4. 

*' The  most  complete  edition  of  the  tales  (forty-five)  is  that  by  Horst- 
mann,  printed  from  one  of  the  expanded  versions,  in  Herrig's  Archiv, 
LVII,   241-316. 

""•  The  North-English  Homily  Collection,  a  Study  of  the  Manuscript  Re- 
lations and  the  Sources  of  the  Tales.  Gerould  has  given  full  synopses  of 
the  tales  found  in  the  eight  manuscripts  of  the  unexpanded  collections. 

"  This  story  may  have  been  taken  from  the  Speculum  Morale,  or  from 
the  Summa  virtutum   ac  vitiorum   of   Paraldus. 


96 

The   Bible 

1  Mary  Magdalene 

3  The  death   of  John   the   Baptist 
9  The  three  kings 

12  Gehazi  and  Naaman 

30  The   mother  and   her   sons 

36  The  story  of  creation 

50  The  story  of  Esther 

Legenda  Aurea 
10  St.  John  and  the  boy 
17  St.  Bernard  and  the  peasant 

20  The  knight  beguiled  by  the  devil 

21  St.    Bede   and   the   birds 
Z2  Piers  the  usurer 

45  St.  Gregory  and  Trajan's  souP 
54  Simon  Magus 

Legends  of  the  Virgin 

2  The  monk  who  returned  from  death 

4  The  pilgrim  to  St.  James 

51  The  widow's  candle 

52  The   prioress   who   was  miraculously   delivered 

Anonymous  Exempla  Collections 

28  Theobald  and  the  leper 

29  The  monk  who  prayed  to  see  the  joys  of  heaven" 
40  The  adulterous  priest" 

Alphabetum  Narrationum'^ 
33  The  obedient  servant 
48  The    despised    nun 

Speculum   Morale^ 
14  The   devil   as   physician 
24  The   man    in    the   devil's   leash 

^'  Possibly  from  the  Alphabetum  Narrationum,  or  from  the  Summa  of 
Paraldus. 

^  Possibly   from   Nicole   de   Bozon's   Contes  Moralises. 

"  Possibly  from  William  of  Wadington's  Manuel  des  Pechiez. 

""Until  recently,  the  Dominican,  Etienne  de  Bescangon  (d.  1294),  has 
been  generally  accepted  as  the  compiler.  The  weakness  of  this  attribution 
was  exposed  by  Heaureau  in  Not.  et  Extr.,  II,  68-75,  and  again  called  in 
question  by  J.  A.  Herbert  in  Library,  Jan.,  1905,  94-101.  Mr.  Herbert 
advocates  the  authorship  of  Arnold  of  Liege. 

"*  Long  attributed  to  Vincent  de  Beauvais  but  probably  not  his.  See 
E.  Boutaric,  Revue  des  Questions  Historiques,  XVII,  5. 


97 


Homilies   of    Gregory 

42  The  wicked  brother  of   a   monk 
47  Tarsilla,    Gordiana   and    Emiliana 

William  of  Wadington's  Manuel  des  Pechies 
44  The  knight  who   forgave  his  enemy 
49  The  backbiting  monk 

Life  of  St,  Martin 
5  St.  Martin  and  the  Devil 
25  St.    Martin's   cloak 

Life  of  St.  Thomas 
II  The  birth  of  St.  Thomas 

Life  of  St.  Marina 
16  The  monk  "  Mawryne  " 

Life  of  St.  Eustace 
18  St.  Eustace 

Life  of  St.  Edmund 
27  St.  Edmund  and  the  devil 

Life  of  St.  Theophilus 
39  "Theophil" 

Life  of  St.  Pelagia 

43  St.   Pelagia 

Life   of  St.  Alexis 
53  St.  Alexis 

Dialogus  Miraculorum 
13  The  usurious  knight 

Nicole   de  Bozon's   Contes  Moralizes    ( ?) 
31   Carpus 

Exempla  ascribed  to  Jacques  de  Vitry 
35  The  hermit  and  the  angel 

A  French  Fabliau 
38  The  hermit  and   St.   Oswald 
Romance   of  Alexander   (Ecclesiastical  Latin  version) 
46  The   imprisoned  Jews 

Jacques  de  Vitry  or  the  Alphabetum  Narrationum 
55  The  wise  son 

Paraldus'  Summa  virtutum  ac  vitiorum 
2,2  The    melancholy    king    (Damocles'    sword    theme) 
No  source  found 
8  The  archbishop  and  the  nun 
IS  The  hermit  who   returned  to   the  world 


98 

The  fact  that  above  twenty  sources  were  utilized  for  the  tales 
only,  suggests  no  little  industry  on  the  part  of  the  homilist. 
The  list  also  indicates  that  the  great  thirteenth  century  con- 
tinental storehouses,  such  as  the  Legenda  Aurea,  the  Dialogus 
Miraculorum,  the  Speculum  Morale,  the  Summa  virtutum  ac 
vitiorum,  the  Alphabetum  Narrationum,  and  the  exempla  of 
Jacques  de  Vitry,  were  available  in  England  by  the  opening  of 
the  fourteenth  century. 

Aside  from  the  fact  that  saints'  legends  preponderate,  and 
that  local  and  contemporary  incidents  are  wholly  absent,  this 
collection  offers  no  unusual  features.  Appearances  after 
death,  the  saving  grace  of  the  Virgin,  the  wiles  of  the  devil 
incarnate,  the  evil  deeds  of  laymen  and  clerics  with  their 
punishment  or  subsequent  reformation  through  divine  clem- 
ency, are  ever-recurring  themes.  As  usual,  a  number  of  par- 
ticular mediaeval  favorites  appear;  most  notable  among  these 
are  the  following:  the  legend  of  Theophilus,"  the  pilgrim  to 
St.  James,^^  the  prioress  miraculously  delivered,^^  St.  Eustace,®" 
the  melancholy  king,®^  the  hermit  and  the  angel.®^     Over  and 

^  Gerould,  op.  cit.,  76-7-8,  lists  twenty-five  Latin  versions,  about  a  dozen 
French,  three  English,  and  refers  to  German,  Dutch,  and  Icelandic  versions. 

='This  tale  deals  with  a  man  who,  on  a  pilgrimage,  fell  into  deadly  sin. 
Later  he  met  the  devil  in  the  likeness  of  St.  James.  The  devil  commanded 
the  man  to  mutilate  and  slay  himself  and  then  made  off  with  the  victim's 
soul,  but  was  shortly  confronted  by  St.  Peter  and  St.  James,  who  secured 
the  intervention  of  the  Virgin.  Through  her  aid  the  man  was  restored  to 
life  and  became  a  devout  monk.  Gerould  (p.  31)  states  that  this  legend 
with  slight  variations  is  found  "  in  almost  innumerable  collections  of  Mary 
legends,   of  exempla,  and  of  pious  treatises." 

^'The  prioress  sinned,  and  just  before  being  subjected  to  trial,  was 
miraculously  delivered  of  a  child  through  the  intervention  of  the  Virgin. 
Gerould  (pp.  92-3-4)  lists  about  twenty-five  versions  of  this  popular  conte 
devot. 

*•  St.  Eustace,  as  the  reader  may  remember,  was  a  sort  of  mediaeval  Job, 
whose  constancy  in  spite  of  a  long  series  of  persecutions,  was  a  means  of 
converting  many  heathen,  according  to  the  story. 

^  This  analogue  to  the  Damocles'  sword  story,  came  originally  from 
Barlaam  and  Josaphat.  Gerould  (pp.  67-8)  notes  twenty-nine  versions, 
varying  in  details.  He  also  points  out  that  the  casket  feature  was  detached 
from  this  legend  and  became  the  parent  of  the  casket  element  in  the 
Merchant  of   Venice. 

°*  The  hermit  held  his  nose  while  passing  a  decaying  corpse  but  his  angel 


99 

over  again,  as  I  have  indicated  in  the  notes,  were  these  and 
similar  tales,  copied  in  sermons,  example-books,  collections  of 
tales,  and  didactic  treatises.  Measured  by  the  supply,  the 
demand  must  have  been  enormous. 

The  regular  occurrence  of  the  tales  and  their  length  in  the 
N.  E.  Homily  Collection  show  that  the  exemplum  had  secured 
a  firm  position  in  English  sermons.  The  Gesta  Romanorum, 
as  well  as  other  collections,  had  by  this  time  been  compiled  in 
England,  and  had  naturally  added  to  the  vogue  of  tales  with  a 
moral.  However,  the  moderation  and  serious  use  made  of  the 
tales  in  these  homilies,  indicate  a  lingering  of  the  conservatism 
which  had  hitherto  characterized  English  preachers.  The  col- 
lection rarely  has  more  than  one  tale  in  a  sermon,  and  it  is 
never  trivial,  never  merely  entertaining;  the  purpose  is  always 
earnest.  For  example,  the  writer  states  that  man  is  sinful  till 
he  has  Christ  in  his  heart ;  then, 

"  That   may   ye    se    aperteli, 
Wit  mani  ensampel  witerly, 
Namly  bi  Mari  Maudelayn." 

After  telling  the  story  of  Mary  Magdalene,  he  recapitulates  as 
follows : 

"  This  tal  haf   I  tald  you, 
To   scheu  on  quat  maner  and   hou, 
That  quen  Crist  cumes  intil  our  hertes, 
To  lef  our  sin  he  us  ertes, 
And   geres   us   ask   him    forgivenes, 
Of  al  our  sinnes  mar  and  les."°^ 

Again,  the  preacher  warns  sinners  to  beware  the  day  of  doom, 
for  the  day  of  judgment  is  to  be  terribly  severe.  The  truth  of 
this  may  be  confirmed,  he  says,  by  an  account  "  that  falles  wel 
til  our  godspelle."^*     Then  follows  the  tale  of  the  black  monk 

companion  took  no  notice ;  later  the  angel,  much  to  the  astonishment  of 
the  hermit,  held  his  nose  at  the  sight  of  a  fair  young  man  riding  by  with 
a  hawk  on  his  wrist.  Gerould  (pp.  71-2)  lists  fourteen  versions  of  this 
tale. 

^^  Eng,  Metr.  Honi.,  15,  19. 

^  Ibid.,  29.  Small  states  {ibid.,  180)  that  Roger  of  Wendover's  Chronicle 
(c.  1072)  contains  a  similar  account  based  on  a  supposedly  actual  happen- 
ing at  Nantes.  This  suggests  the  point  already  treated,  that  exempla  were 
usually  told  as  facts  not  fictions. 


100 

who  returned  from  death  and  said  that  owing  to  a  sHght  indis- 
cretion he  had  only  escaped  punishment  by  the  Virgin's  inter- 
cession.    The  writer  closes, 

"  This  tal  haf  I  tald  you. 
To   schew  on  quat  maner  and  hou 
We   sal  be   demed,   and  yeld   acount 
Quat    our   sinnes    mai    amount. 
For   al   sal   com   to   rounge,    I   wis, 
Thar,  that  her  mistakin  isse 
Bi   the   lest   idel   thoht, 
For  thar  forgifnes  bes   riht  noht.'"* 

Similarly,  in  anjther  place,  he  introduces  the  tale  as  follows: 

"  Bot  for  I  said  that   Satenas 
Waites  us   als   thef   in  pas, 
I  wille  you  tel  of  a  pilgrim, 
Hou  Satenas  bigiled  him." 

The  story  closes, 

"  Bi  this  tal  har  may  we  se. 
That  wis  and  wair  bihoves  us  be, 
That  Satenas  ne  ger  us  rayk 
Fra  rihtwisnes,  to  sinful  laik."** 

These  typical  passages  show  the  insistence  on  the  religious 
point  of  the  exemplum.  We  are  here  far  removed  from  the 
brief  and  occasional  narratives  of  Old  English  tradition,  but 
although  the  tales  have  greatly  increased  the  attractiveness  of 
the  sermons,  there  is  still  an  admirably  serious  motive  behind 
them. 

We  come  now  to  the  Contes  Moralizes  of  Nicole  de  Bozon, 
an  English  Franciscan  who  wrote  his  treatise  in  bad  French"^ 

^^  Eng.    Metr.    Horn.,    33. 

**  Ibid.,  S3,  58.  For  similar  introductions  and  conclusions,  see  pp.  68, 
7Z,   78,   93.    Ill,    115,    130,    132,    138,    143,    148,    151,    163,    164,    170. 

*^  Contes  Moralizes,  introd.,  lii-lxvi.  Paul  Meyer  here  speaks  of  the 
considerable  use  of  French  in  England  at  the  time  of  the  Contes,  even 
among  the  common  people.  E.  Stengel  notes  a  fourteenth  century  col- 
lection of  Anglo-Norman  exempla  written  in  couplets.  The  majority  of 
the  tales  are  taken  from  the  Vitae  Patrum  and  Gregory's  Dialogues,  but 
a  few  come  from  the  Bible,  saints'  lives,  and  local  tradition.  One  tale, 
the  compiler  states,  he  heard  "  en  sarmon."  The  nature  of  the  collection 
may  be  seen  from  the  following  topics  treated.     No.  2  deals  with  chastity 


101 

shortly  after  1320.®^  Although  the  work  is  not  a  regular  set  of 
sermons,  it  was  undoubtedly  used  as  such.  "  fividemment," 
says  Paul  Meyer,  "  c'est  un  livre  qui  a  ete  preche,  et  sans  doute 
plus  d'une  fois,  avant  d'etre  ecrit.  Le  desordre  qui  se  remar- 
que  dans  I'arrangement  des  matieres  montre  que  nous  sommes 
en  presence  de  morceaux  rapidement  rediges,  negligemment 
rassembles,  oil  meme  quelques  parties  sont  encore  a  I'etat  de 
notes.  II  n'y  a  pas,  dans  toute  la  litterature  anglo-nonnande, 
un  second  ouvrage  qui  puisse  nous  donner  une  idee  aussi  com- 
plete de  ce  qu'etait  en  Angleterre  et  au  commencement  du 
XIV®  siecle,  la  predication  populaire."®®  In  its  use  of  both 
moralizations  and  narrative  illustrations  it  is  a  very  illuminating 
document  on  the  nature  of  popular  preaching  in  England  of  the 
fourteenth  century,  and  is  especially  valuable  because  of  the 
extreme  rarity  of  popular  sermon  collections  extant.'^"  I  shall, 
therefore,  discuss  the  Contes  Moralizes  in  some  detail. 

As  I  have  already  shown  in  speaking  of  the  saints'  lives  and 
the  N.  E.  Homilies,  which  employed  narratives  so  freely,  tra- 
ditional heaviness  had  given  way  in  popular  preaching  to  the 
more  attractive  method  of  the  friars.  The  Contes  Moralises 
represents  a  variant  form  of  the  popular  appeal,  in  the  extrac- 
tion of  morals  from  minerals,  plants,  animals,  popular  beliefs 
and  superstitions.  Dry  allegorical  interpretation  of  Scriptural 
passages  had  been  the  traditional  stronghold  in  sermon  writing, 
and  even  the  "  properties  of  things  "  had  long  since  been  occa- 

in  women;  No.  7  with  the  value  of  alms-giving;  Nos.  10  to  15  with  con- 
fession ;  No.  20  with  the  sin  of  robbing  the  poor,  which  seems  to  have 
been  a  besetting  evil  of  the  times ;  Nos.  23,  24,  27,  with  usury ;  No.  28 
with  the  crime  of  killing  for  land ;  No.  32  with  combating  fleshly  tempta- 
tion;  No.  34  with  envy;  No.  36  with  the  sin  of  singing  "  caroles "  and 
playing  "  luttes "  in  the  church  or  cemetery.  The  tales  are  told  for  the 
purpose  of  proving  or  illustrating  the  accompanying  discussion.  The  most 
frequent  introductory  expressions  are,  "  Ceo  vous  proveroi  par  un  count," 
or  "  Et  ceo  treis  bien  confermerai  par  un  conte  que  vous  conterai."  Zeit- 
schrift  filr  franzosische  Sprache  und  Litter atur,  XIV,  129  seq. 

"^  Contes  Moralises,  introd.,  ii. 

'*  Contes  Moralises,  introd.,  xxviii.  See  also  Philip  Harry,  A  Compara- 
tive Study  of  the  Aesopic  Fable  in  Nicole  de  Boson,  yz- 

"•  Meyer  says  "  On  possede  plusieurs  recueils  d'homelies  et  de  sermons 
anglais  du  XIV*  siecle,  mais  ils  n'ont  pas  un  caractere  veritablement  pop- 
ulaires."     Contes,   introd.,   xxviii,   note. 


102 

sionally  used  as  illustrations  in  sermons.  In  the  Contes  Mora- 
lizes these  "  properties  of  things  "  are  systematically  made  the 
bases  of  the  little  treatises ;  a  moral  application  follows ;  and  to 
this  is  frequently  added  an  exemplum.  As  in  the  case  of 
Holkot's  later  Liber  Sapientiae,  which  resembles  the  Contes, 
Biblical  texts  are  freely  sprinkled  through  the  various  parts. 
The  contents  of  a  typical  chapter,  or  number,  may  be  briefly 
outlined.  The  title,  as  always,  is  in  Latin:  "Quod  multos 
excecat  gaudium  mundiale."  The  nature  of  the  deer  is  to 
delight  in  melody.  One  hunter  plays  sweetly  while  another 
comes  up  and  shoots.  So,  many  people  delight  in  worldly 
things  and  lose  sight  of  the  engines  of  evil.  Then  follows  the 
customary  Biblical  citation,  to  the  effect  that  fools  are  drawn 
by  empty  delights.  The  lesson  is  made  concrete  by  the  exem- 
plum of  the  sad  king  and  his  brother  (Damocles'  sword  theme). 
After  the  tale  comes  another  Scriptural  citation  from  Proverbs, 
which  again  points  the  moral  of  the  story.'^^  The  hundred  and 
forty-five  chapters  which  constitute  the  collection  are  not  all  as 
fully  developed  as  the  above.  Some  lack  the  exemplum;  in 
others  the  exemplum  stands  alone;  some  of  the  chapters  are 
very  brief,  and  crudely  worded,  with  the  idea,  apparently,  of 
leaving  further  development  and  polish  to  the  user,  who  might 
expand  the  material  into  a  sermon,  or  interpolate  it  into  his 
own  discourse. 

The  key-note  of  the  whole  compilation  is  attractiveness  com- 
bined with  utility.  Nicole  was  in  sympathy  with  the  masses, 
and  was  thoroughly  in  touch  with  contemporary  conditions. 
There  is  nothing  of  the  mystic  or  of  the  stilted  theologian  about 
him.  Naturally,  in  writing  a  theological  work,  he  could  not 
fail  to  treat  such  topics  as  the  deadly  sins,  confession,  contri- 
tion, penitence,  the  virtue  of  the  mass,  alms-giving,  the  miracu- 
lous power  of  the  Virgin,  and  the  love  of  Christ.'^^  But  his 
emphasis  is  laid  upon  religio-social  matters.  Covetousness, 
worldly  church-officials,  scheming  lawyers,  cheating  bailiffs  and 

^*  Contes  Moralises,  58-9. 

"  See  Nos.  13,  39,  41,  45,  58,  61,  62,  63,  77,  78,  79,  86,  90,  98,  on  these 
and  similar  subjects. 


103 

seneschals,  the  oppressive  rich,  and  usury,"  are  subjects  which 
again  and  again  constitute  the  themes  of  Nicole's  moralizations 
and  exempla. 

His  treatment  of  these  subjects  shows  skill  in  the  applica- 
tion and  adaptation  of  material,  rather  than  in  invention."'* 
Nor  was  he  a  widely-read  scholar.  His  borrowed  material, 
consisting  of  ideas  from  natural  history,  fables  and  tales,  is 
drawn  from  a  limited  range  of  sources.  Although  in  describ- 
ing the  "  properties  of  things  "  he  cites  Aristotle,  Pliny,  Dios- 
corides,  St.  Basilius,  Isidor,  Avicenna,  and  others,  he  did  not 
consult  the  originals,  but  the  De  Proprietatibus  Rerum  of 
Bartholomaeus  Anglicus  or  a  similar  work  based  upon  the 
writings  of  the  men  mentioned."  The  limitation  of  Nicole's 
scholarship  is  suggested  by  a  curious  error  of  attribution.  In 
telling  the  story  of  the  man  chased  by  the  unicorn,  which  comes 
from  Barlaam  and  Josaphat,  Nicole,  thinking  Barlaam  to  be 
the  author,  says,  "  Barleam  conte  en  son  livere.'"'^  For  his 
fables,  he  had  access  to  the  work  of  Marie  de  France,  the 
fables  of  Odo  de  Ceritona,  and  the  Disciplina  Clericalis  from 
which  he  drew  a  part  of  one  fable."  It  is  impossible  to  deter- 
mine precisely  the  sources  of  the  tales  other  than  the  fables, 
but  it  is  fairly  certain  that  Nicole  made  use  of  the  exempla  of 
Jacques  de  Vitry,  Beda's  Ecclesiastical  History,  a  collection  of 
contes  devots,  Vitae  Patrum,  and  the  Disciplina  Clericalis.''^ 

"We  get  here  an  indication  of  that  socialistic  preaching  which  brought 
about  in  1382  a  statute  of  Richard  II  enjoining  preachers  who  without 
license    roamed    about    scattering    seeds    of    dissention. 

''♦ "  On  retrouve  des  bestiaires  et  des  lapidaires  dans  les  vastes  encyclo- 
pedies  qui  parurent  nombreuses  au  XIII*  siecle  sous  les  titres  d'Image  du 
monde,  de  Mappenionde,  de  Miroir  du  monde,  de  Petite  philosophie,  de 
Lumiere  des  Laiques,  de  Nature  des  choses,  et  de  Proprietes  des  choses. 
Ces  ouvrages,  en  latin  et  en  frangais,  en  vers  et  en  prose,  theologiques, 
philosophiques,  geographiques,  scientifiques,  sont  en  general  des  compilations 
sans  originalite,  dont  les  materiaux  sont  puises  a  droite  et  a  gauche,  chez 
des  auteurs  sacres  et  profanes;  Aristote,  Pline,  Solin,  Isidore  de  Seville, 
Honorius  d'Autun,  I'Ancien  et  le  Nouveau  Testament,  les  Peres  de  I'figlise, 
le  Physiologus,  Palladius,  Isaac,  Jacques  de  Vitry,  etc."  See  Petit  de 
Julleville,  Histoire  de  la  Langue  et  de  la  Litterature  frangaise,  II,  174. 

"  Contes  Moralizes,  introd.,  vi  seq. 

'">Ib{d.,  46. 

"  See  P.  Harry,  op.  cit.,  71-2 ;  see  also  Les  Fabulistes  Latins,  IV,  98. 

'*  Contes  Moralises,  introd.,  xiii-xiv. 


104 

A  few  exempla  give  probable  evidence  of  being  local  anec- 
dotes, contemporary  or  traditional.  One  tale  deals  with  three 
"ribauds"  whose  names,  "  Hoket,"  "  Croket,"  and  "Loket" 
fairly  proclaim  their  local  origin/''  Another  tale  contains  the 
characters  of  "  William  Werldeschame "  and  his  spouse 
"  Moalde  Mikimisaunter."^"  The  central  thought  of  the  tale 
about  the  shrewd  farm-hand  is  expressed  in  a  crude  English 
quotation :  "  On  yis  ne  trist  me  nout "  said  the  hind,  as  he 
scattered  a  handful  of  seeds  over  the  ground ;  "  Yis  have  I  now 
y-bouth,"  as  he  put  some  into  his  mouth. ®^  Again,  in  the  long 
story  of  the  devil's  hunting-dogs,  found  elsewhere  only  in  the 
Gesta,  the  dogs  have  English  names.  Two  "mauvais  grace- 
ons  "  in  another  tale  are  called  "  Sterlyn  and  Galopyn."®^  In- 
asmuch as  the  tales  in  which  these  names  are  found  are  largely 
homely  and  secular,  English  origin  is  altogether  likely.  Cer- 
tain other  tales  relate  incidents  involving  prominent  local  per- 
sons, such  as  the  Abbot  of  Westminster  and  Henry  III,^^  John 
of  Alderby,  the  Bishop  of  Lincoln,^*  and  Ralph  Baron.^^ 
Though  few,  the  local  and  particularly  the  secular  narratives,** 
give  Nicole's  work  a  slight  flavor  of  freshness  if  not  of 
originality. 

The  fable  and  the  time-honored  monkish  legend,  however, 
dominate  the  narrative  portion.  The  fable  lent  itself  particu- 
larly to  the  illustration  of  social  defects,  and  the  moralized 
fables  of  Odo  de  Ceritona  and  Alexander  Neckam  had  admir- 
ably pointed  the  way  for  Nicole.  No  less  than  thirty-seven 
fables  do  duty  as  exempla  in  the  C antes  Moralises,  usually 

''^  Contes  Moralizes,  137. 

^ Ibid.,  166.  Meyer  points  out  in  the  notes  (pp.  288-89)  that  "Worldly- 
Shame  "   appears   in   the   interlude,   Nice    Wanton. 

"■Ubid.,   no. 

"/fcxd.,  180. 

^'Ibid.,   8s. 

^*Ibid.,   181. 

'"  Ibid.,  63.  The  knight,  Ralph  Baron,  according  to  the  story,  was  aided 
at  his  death-bed  by  the  Virgin,  and  restored  to  a  life  thenceforth  devoted 
to  good  deeds. 

^  At  the  opening  of  the  fourteenth  century,  as  I  mentioned  in  speaking 
of  the  Gesta,  tales  of  a  more  secular  nature  were  coming  into  vogue  with 
churchmen. 


105 

under  the  title  of  "  Fabula  ad  Idem."  The  other  exempla,  fre- 
quently distinguished  by  the  title  of  "  Narracio  ad  Idem,"  are 
slightly  less  numerous.  The  majority  of  these  are  monkish 
anecdotes  and  episodes  from  the  saints'  lives,  now  rising  to 
the  height  of  their  popularity.  The  following  are  notable 
favorites  used  in  the  collection :  the  hermit  and  the  angel ;  the 
melancholy  king,  the  true  son  (test  for  legitimacy),  Beda's 
tale  of  Ymma  and  Tunna,  the  monk  who  returned  after  three 
hundred  years,  the  holy  man  who  resisted  temptation  by  burn- 
ing his  fingers. ^^  Such  well-known  tales  are  representative  of 
the  exempla  as  distinguished  from  the  fables  of  the  treatise. 
Except  in  his  unusually  frequent  use  of  fables,  local  and  secu- 
lar anecdotes,  Nicole  does  not  differ  materially  from  his  con- 
temporaries who  got  the  attention  of  the  masses  by  appealing 
to  their  love  for  stories,  their  veneration  for  authority,  their 
vulgarity,  ignorance  and  credulity. 

In  spite  of  the  increasing  vogue  of  story-telling  among  popu- 
lar preachers  at  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  centry,  few  traces 
of  it  appear  in  the  writings  of  one  important  group  of  religious 
writers,  the  Mystics.  It  is  undoubtedly  true  that  the  English 
Mystics,  under  the  influence  of  Bonaventura,  were,  like  the 
friars,  practical  in  their  work  and  methods ;  moreover,  they 
were  antagonistic  to  scholasticism.®^  But  their  discourses  dif- 
fer sufficiently  from  those  of  the  Franciscan-Dominican  school 
to  require  some  notice  of  the  popular  work  of  a  thorough- 
going representative,  Richard  Rolle. 

This  man,  although  he  did  not  belong  to  a  monastic  order, 
and,  being  neither  priest  nor  in  holy  orders,  could  not  occupy 
the  pulpit,^^  nevertheless  mingled  with  the  masses,  taught  the 
glory  of  divine  love,  and  expounded  the  Scripture,  the  creed, 
the  church  offices,  the  vices  and  virtues.^"  But  in  the  work  of 
Rolle  and  his  followers  the  exemplum  is  not  as  prominent  as 
in  the  other  fourteenth  century  writings  which  we  have  con- 

^  Contes  Moralizes,  So,  58,  71,  loi,  112,  118,  respectively. 

**  See  Horstmann,  Richard  Rolle  and  his  Followers,  I,  introd.,  xii-xiii. 

"  Richard  Rolle  and  his  Followers,  I,  introd.,  x. 

^  Perry  speaks  of  Rolle  as  a  "  traveling  preacher,  intensely  devoted  to  the 
work  of  the  instruction  of  his  fellow  creatures."  See  English  Prose  Treat- 
ises of  Richard  Rolle  de  Hampole,  preface,  xiii. 


106 

sidered.  The  more  earnest  tone  of  Wycliffe  is  prefigured. 
This  difference  of  method  is  not  due  to  a  change  of  audience 
or  of  aim.  Rolle  writes,  as  he  says  in  the  Pricke  of  Con- 
science, 

"  For    to    stirre    lewed    men    til    mekenes, 
And  to  make  })am  luf  God  and  drede."" 

The  popular  treatise  just  mentioned  has  but  one  clear-cut 
exemplum,  and  the  same  scarcity  of  narrative  illustrations  is  to 
be  noted  in  the  prose  treatises.  Here  and  there  a  brief,  irregu- 
larly placed  narrative  reference  or  anecdote  appears.  These 
are  almost  all  taken  from  the  Bible,  Gregory's  Dialogues,  Vitae 
Patrum,  and  the  Dialogus  Miraculorum,  with  an  occasional 
citation  from  Barlaam  and  Josaphat,  the  Life  of  St.  Richard, 
and  the  Life  of  St.  Augustine.  The  score  of  developed  exempla 
found  among  the  prose  treatises  are  used  with  perfect  recog- 
nition of  the  type,  being  termed  "  narracio  "  or  "  exemplum."^^ 
But  the  infrequency  of  their  appearance  here  shows  that  the 
narrative  element,  although  pervasive,  did  not  wholly  dominate 
popular  preaching  during  the  fourteenth  century.  There  were 
at  least  a  few  men  so  intense  in  promoting  the  higher,  purer 
life,  that  they  avoided  the  exemplum  which  too  often  "  smelled 
of  mortality." 

Meanwhile,  in  spite  of  detractors,  the  exemplum  increased  in 
vogue  as  the  century  drew  to  a  close.  Wycliffe,  as  has 
been  stated,  bitterly  denounced  those  who  "  techen  opynly 
fablys,  cronyklis  and  lesyngis  and  leven  cristis  gospel  and 
J7e  maundements  of  god."^^  The  practice  against  which 
Wycliffe  inveighed  was  in  great  measure  due  to  the  roving 
friars,  whose  unrecorded  sermons  doubtless  contained  more 
tales  than  are  retained  in  the  written  specimens  at  our  disposal. 
The  final  collection  which  we  shall  examine,  however,  John 
Mirk's  Festial,  fairly  indicates  the  height  of  popularity  reached 
by  the  type  at  the  opening  of  the  fifteenth  century. 

"^  The  Pricke  of  Conscience,  258.  As  I  shall  point  out  in  the  following 
chapter,  exempla  were  prominent  in  treatises  of  this  kind  during  the 
fourteenth  century. 

°' For  exempla,  see  Richard  Rolle  and  his  Followers,  I,  12—13,  i39>  140, 
141,  143,  144,  152,  192-93,  194.  333- 

^The  English  Works  of  Wycliffe,  16.  For  similar  expressions,  see  above 
p.  17. 


107 

Mirk,  a  canon  of  LilleshuU  in  Shropshire,  wrote,  besides  the 
Festial,  a  Manuale  Sacerdotum  and  an  English  poem,  Instruc- 
tions for  Parish  Priests,  which  he  translated  from  the  Pupilla 
Ociili  of  William  de  Pagula.^*  The  Instructions  teaches  cleri- 
cal duties  and  exhorts  the  clergy  to  lead  strict,  clean  lives ;  in 
every  way,  it  seems  to  indicate  that  Mirk,  though  merely  the 
translator,  was  among  the  better  class  of  preachers.  A  liberal 
use  of  tales  by  such  a  man  is  suggestive  of  excesses  on  the  part 
of  the  rank  and  file  whom  Wycliffe  denounced,— men  who  were 
sometimes  more  intent  upon  lining  their  own  pockets  than  sav- 
ing benighted  souls. 

In  the  seventy-four  sermons  constituting  Mirk's  Festial,  we 
have  complete  union  of  the  homilies  "  de  Sanctis"  and  the 
homilies  "  de  tempore,"  thus  providing  a  cycle  for  the  whole 
year.  Forty  of  the  sermons  belong  to  the  former  group  and 
the  remaining  thirty-four  to  the  latter.  The  discourses  for 
saints'  days  are  the  usual  loosely-joined  sequences  of  events 
in  the  lives  of  various  saints,  with  the  addition  of  distinctly 
indicated  exempla  of  much  the  same  tenor.  The  Sunday  ser- 
mons begin  with  a  story  from  the  Bible,  such  as  that  of  Moses 
and  the  tablets  of  stone,  or  Joseph  and  his  brethren,  told  in 
simple  form.  The  writer  then  explains  the  lesson  to  be  drawn 
from  the  Scripture,  and  usually  closes  with  two  or  more 
exempla.  Occasionally  a  brief  "signification"  of  some  bit  of 
Biblical  narrative  recalls  the  heavy  symbolism  of  the  early 
school,^^  but  traces  of  the  ponderous  and  scholarly  exegesis  of 
St.  Augustine,  Gregory,  Jerome,  and  Beda,  are  comparatively 
few."^  Nature  allegories  and  entertaining  narratives  with 
a  moral  predominate  in  this  prominent  model  sermon-book 
of  the  early  fifteenth  century. 

°*  See  Miss  Bateman's  article  in  D.  N.  B. 

'^For  example,  the  feeding  of  the  multitude  is  explained  as  follows: 
"The  first  loaf  of  these  five  is  contrition  of  heart.  The  second  is  true 
shrift  of  mouth.  The  third  is  retribution  for  trespass.  The  fourth  is 
fear  of  relapsing  into  sin.  The  fifth  is  perseverance  in  God.  The  two 
fishes  are  prayer  and  alms-deed."  Festial,  I,  103;  see  also  pp.  96,  22^,-22, 
for  more  elaborate  instances. 

"References  to  St.  Augustine  are  most  numerous;  see  ibid.,  45,  55, 
56,    169,    192,    231. 


108 

Wherever  the  body  of  the  sermon  is  not  narrative  in  form, 
it  consists  of  an  explanation  of  the  festival  to  be  celebrated, 
or  of  a  set  of  exhortations  to  obey  various  divine  laws  for 
certain  plainly-stated  reasons.  The  definiteness  of  appeal  is 
increased  by  a  feature  much  employed  by  the  schoolmen, — 
the  use  of  specific  numbers,  of  which  "  three  "  is  particularly 
favored.  For  example,  men  "synnen  in  ]>re  wayes,"  the 
Church  hallows  St.  Paul's  conversion  "  for  Tpre  skylles,"  the 
Church  to-day  worships  the  Virgin  "  specyaly  yn  ]?re  J^ynges," 
"  Holy  Chyrche  .  .  .  ordeyned  ]>re  maner  of  salvys  to  hele  hur 
chyldren  wy]?,"  Christ  will  pardon  sinful  men  if  they  have 
"  l?re  >yng}^s  |7at  ben  nedefull  to  hom."^'^  To  teach  effectively, 
in  accordance  with  ecclesiastical  interpretation,  the  ideal 
Christian  life,  to  emphasize  the  orthodox  means  to  that  end, 
viz.,  contrition,  shrift,  penance,  alms-giving,  and  the  like,  and 
to  hold  up  the  saints  as  models  of  excellence, — these  are  the 
aims  admirably  kept  in  view,  whether  we  smile  indulgently  at 
the  writer's  naive  enumerations,  or  deprecate  the  profusion  of 
illustrative  tales  which  sprinkle  his  pages. 

Mirk,  adopting  the  popular  method,  disregarded  strictures 
upon  the  exemplum,  just  as  he  did  the  outcries  against  the  use 
of  crosses  and  images.^^  But  although  his  sermons  contain, 
exclusive  of  the  incidents  related  as  a  part  of  the  saints'  lives, 
no  less  than  one  hundred  and  six  exempla,  he  appears  never 
to  forget  that  the  tales  are  told  for  their  lessons  and  not  merely 
for  the  purpose  of  entertainment.  He  states  that  he  has  no 
sympathy  with  a  "tale  of  rybawdy,"^^  and  in  a  sermon 
directed  to  priests,  he  warns  them  to  "be  war  of  spekyng 
rybawdy  " ;  to  impress  the  caution  he  tells  of  the  terrible  fate 
of  "a  prest  yn  Yerlond  ]7at  was  lusty  to  speke  of  rybawdy  and 
iapys  J^at  turned  men  to  lechery.''^""     An  exemplum  was,  how- 

"  Festial,  I,  150,  53,  57,  64,  74,  resp.  References  to  this  and  other  numbers 
might  be  multiplied. 

°* "  Herefor  ben  roodes  sett  on  hey  in  holy  chirch,  and  so  by  sygt  ]>erof 
have  mynd  of  Cristis  passion.  And  ]>erioT  roodes  and  ot>yr  ymages  ben 
necessary  in  holy  chirch,  whatever  JJes  Lollardes  sayn ;  for  yf  J>ay  nade 
ben  profitable,  goode  holy  faders  }>at  have  ben  tofore  us  wold  have  don 
hem  out  of  holy  chirch  mony  a  Sere  gon."    Festial,  I,  171. 

''Ibid.,   156. 

^'^Ibid.,  192. 


109 

ever,  often  essential  to  clearness.  "  But  S^t,"  he  says,  "  for 
}7at  mony  wyttys  ben  lat  and  hevy  forto  leve  j^at  pay  may  not 
here  ny  se,  but  J^ay  be  broght  yn  by  ensampull.  For  )7ogh  ]?e 
ensampull  be  not  most  comendabull,  get  for  pe  more  parte  hit 
may  soo  lyghten  his  wyt,  J^at  he  may  ]?e  sondyr  come  to  be- 
leve."^**^  Why  should  he  not  use  exempla?  Not  only  had 
numerous  eminent  churchmen  from  the  time  of  Gregory  the 
Great  sanctioned  their  use,  but,  as  Mirk  points  out  before  tell- 
ing the  parable  of  the  sower,  "  God  techythe  by  ensampull."^°2 
As  we  shall  see,  Mirk's  exempla  are  often  far  removed  in  kind 
from  the  parables,  but  he  did  pretty  consistently  try  to  keep  it 
clear  that  the  tales  were  a  means,  not  an  end.  As  a  rule  they 
bear  directly  upon  the  point  at  issue,  and  are  introduced  by  the 
usual  proposal  to  confirm  an  assertion,  to  illustrate  an  observa- 
tion, to  stimulate  devotion,^"^  or  to  stir  up  the  conscience.  A 
restatement  of  the  lesson  involved  usually  follows  the  nar- 
rative. 

But  exempla  had,  by  1400,  become  much  more  numerous 
and  elaborate  than  mere  utility  would  warrant.  The  end  of 
the  discourse  had  long  been  established  as  the  logical  place  for 
tales  and  though  not  always  strictly  adhered  to,"*  this  custom 
generally  prevailed.  Owing  to  the  popularity  of  stories,  how- 
ever, their  number  and  length  had  steadily  increased.  Whereas 
we  found  one  tale  closing  each  homily  of  the  North  English 
Collection,  we  frequently  have  two,  three,  or  four,  at  the  end  of 
Mirk's  discourses.^°^  At  times  they  are  brief  outlines"®  as 
found  in  the  example-books,  but  usually  they  are  completely 
rounded  stories,  developed  with  considerable  attention  to  details 
and  occupying  from  half  a  page  to  two  pages  of  the  text.  The 
narratives  are,  generally  speaking,  of  greater  bulk  than  the 
exegetical  portions. 

^"^Festial,  I,  i66. 

^"'Ibid.,    71. 

^"^  Among  the  sermons  "  de  Sanctis "  this  is  particularly  common ;  for 
typical  instances,  see  Festial,  26,   158,   180,    189. 

'*^  Mirk  occasionally  uses   an   exemplum  in  the  midst  of  a  sermon. 

^°*  For  example,  No.  14  has  three;  No.  17  has  four;  No.  20  has  three; 
No.  24  has  three;  No.  40  has  four;  No.  41  has  five;  No.  50  has  three; 
No.   53   has  three;   No.   65   has  four. 

^"^  See  Festial,  220,  280. 


110 

The  Festial  is  also  indicative  of  the  great  latitude  which 
preachers  still  exercised  in  illustrative  tales.  Though  Mirk  is 
sparing  of  the  more  offensive  "tales  of  rybawdy"  so  common 
in  Latin  collections  and  in  the  work  of  such  men  as  Nicole  de 
Bozon,  he  has  no  hesitation  in  narrating  as  facts  the  most 
absurd  fabrications.  Unlike  Aelfric,  he  affirms  the  bodily  as- 
sumption of  the  Virgin,  on  the  authority  of  a  revelation  to  St. 
Elizabeth  of  Spain.^"^  More  in  evidence  than  ever  before  are 
the  troops  of  fiends  clawing  at  the  souls  of  expiring  sinners ; 
more  swelling  is  the  chorus  of  wailing  voices  from  belated 
penitents  immured  in  marble  images  or  cakes  of  ice ;  more 
bewildering  are  the  astounding  rescues  by  wonder-working 
saints.  Specific  references  become  superfluous  when  almost 
every  page  abounds  in  things  never  heard  or  witnessed  on  land 
or  sea.  The  popular  English  preacher,  with  the  best  of  inten- 
tions no  doubt,  has  become  a  raconteur  of  marvels. 

Exempla  were  taken  from  a  widening  variety  of  sources, 
though  contes  devots  and  saints'  lives,  especially  those  of  the 
Legenda  Aurea,  were  now  more  prominent  than  ever.  In  a 
number  of  instances  Mirk  has  stated  his  sources,  which  I  cite ; 
but  they  are  by  no  means  exhaustive  •}'^^  Lives  of  St.  Edward 
the  Confessor,  St.  Dunstan,  St.  Dominick,  St.  Brandan,  St. 
Winfred,  St.  Fylbert,  St.  Sylvester,  St.  Richard,  St.  George, 
St.  Carpeus,  St.  Remus,  St.  Gregory,  St,  Odo  of  Canterbury, 
St.  Guthlac,  St.  Margaret;"^  Works  of  Beda,  St.  Augustine, 
Alexander  Neckam,  Josephus,  Melitus,  the  Bible,  Ranulf  Hig- 
den's  Polychronicon,  "  Gestes  "  of  the  Romans,  Dialogues  of 
Gregory,  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  Vitae  Patrum,  "  Gestes "  of 
France,   Legenda   Aurea,   "J^e   mayster   of   stories,"^^**   John 

^'"  Festial,  226.  Perhaps  he  guards  himself  by  remarking  at  the  close 
of  the  passage,  "  ]?us  clerkys  preven  how  our  lady  was  assumpted  bodely 
ynto   Heven." 

^"^  A  study  of  the  sources  and  analogues  of  Mirk's  exempla  offers  a  fruit- 
ful subject  for  research,  although  Dr.  Erbe's  promised  second  volume  may 
undertake  the  matter. 

"*  Mirk  may  have  consulted  the  Legenda  Aurea  for  some  of  these. 

""  The  tale  referred  to  this  source  deals  with  King  Darius'  question  as 
to  which  is  strongest :  wine,  women,  or  a  king.  It  is  told  by  Gower,  Conf. 
Amant.,  Bk.  VII,  11.  1783  seq. 


Ill 

Belet.^^^  Many  of  the  tales  have  no  reference  to  their  source 
other  than  "  I  rede  "  or  "  I  finde,"  but  the  above  Hst  is  suffi- 
cient to  indicate  the  kind  of  narratives  favored.  We  see  that 
later  and  secular  sources,  together  with  saints'  lives,  were 
growing  in  favor,  and  that  patristic  writings  and  the  mediaeval 
exempla  collections  were  decreasing  in  popularity. 

Many  tales  in  the  Festial  deal  with  local  happenings  and  are, 
apparently,  set  down  from  oral  tradition.  These  are  sug- 
gestive of  the  way  in  which  exempla  sprang  up,  but  the  local 
tales  throw  scarcely  more  light  upon  men  and  ideas  of  the  times 
than  do  those  of  universal  application.^^-  Nevertheless,  it 
is  quite  likely  that  they  were  doubly  effective  on  contemporary 
audiences.  So  Mirk  must  have  calculated  when,  for  instance, 
he  says  in  introducing  the  story  of  a  sinner  torn  to  pieces  by 
three  dogs,  "Wherefor  I  telle  ]?is  ensampull  )7at  was  told  me 
of  suche  ]?at  knewyn  hit  done  yn  dede."^^^  Similarly,  he  gives 
an  account  of  a  company  of  fellows  taking  a  "  stene  of  ale  " 
to  drink  in  a  tavern.  Among  the  number  was  a  priest  who, 
strangely  enough,  recalled  that  a  clerical  duty  awaited  him. 
Being  requested  to  bless  the  ale  before  leaving,  he  complied, 
whereupon  the  "  stene  barste  al  to  pesus,  and  a  grete  tode  was 
in  I?e  stene  bo|7om."  This  also  was  "  a  tale  J^at  was  don  in 
dede."^^*  Some  of  these  tales  center  about  prominent  national 
figures.  For  example,  he  narrates  how  Thomas  a  Becket  and 
King  Henry  II,  while  riding  together  "  yn  J'e  Chepe  of  Lon- 
don "  on  a  cold  day,  met  a  thinly  clad  man.  Becket  was  wear- 
ing a  cloak  "of  fyne  scarlad,  well  yfurred  wy]?  grys."  This 
the  king  seized  and  after  they  had  "  wrastlet  long,"  Becket  let 

"^  John  Belet  appears  to  have  been  an  Englishman  who  was  at  one  time 
a  theologian  in  Paris.  Migne  {Patr.  Lat.,  CCII)  prints  his  Rationale 
divinorum  officiorum,  and  calls  him  "  Theologus  Parisiensis."  Belet  is  cred- 
ited also  with  a  collection  of  sermons  and  a  treatise  entitled  Gemma 
Animae.     See  D.  N.  B. 

^  It  is  interesting  to  note  the  emphasis  upon  such  topics  as  lechery, 
revellings,  gluttony,  vain  plays  at  Christmas  time,  and  the  desirability  of 
submitting  to  earthly  trials  for  the  sake  of  a  proportionate  reward  in 
heaven.     But  these  things  were,  of  course,  not  peculiar  to  England. 

^Festial,  I,  56. 

^*Ibid.,    293. 


112 

him  pull  it  off  and  cast  it  to  the  poor  man.  The  prelate 
simulated  anger  but  was  really  well  content.^^^  Another  tale 
deals  with  "Robert  Grosched,  Byschop  of  Lyncolne."  It 
seems  that  to  his  death-bed  came  "  a  gret  multytude  of  fendys, 
and  spyted  wy]?  hym  so  of  }?e  fay]?e,  J?at  )?ay  hadden  negh 
turned  hym."  But  "  oure  lady,"  ever  ready,  said  to  him,  "  say 
I?ou  belevyst  as  holy  chyrch  doJ?e."  Robert  hastened  to  reply, 
"  Y  beleve  as  holy  chyrch  belevy)?,"  whereat  the  fiends  vanished 
and  he  gave  up  the  ghost  in  peace.^^®  Many  other  wonderful 
happenings  are  located  by  the  homilist  in  various  parts  of  Eng- 
land, notably  as  follows :  a  miracle  was  witnessed  by  two  men 
dwelling  near  Norwich;  a  wonderful  miracle  happened  in 
Devonshire  "  bysyde  Auxbryge  " ;  a  miracle  happened  to  a  man 
of  "  Erkaleton  "  named  Adam ;  a  miraculous  cure  was  wrought 
in  the  town  of  Shrewsbury ;  an  unshriven  man  near  the  "  abbay 
of  Lulsull"  was  tormented  after  death;  a  child  near  North- 
ampton had  visions  of  the  punishment  of  an  adulterous  man ; 
the  Virgin  appeared  in  the  nunnery  of  Shaftesbury  and  urged 
fewer  "  aves  "  and  more  devotion.^^'^  These  tales,  aside  from 
the  fact  that  they  have  "a  local  habitation  and  a  name,"  are 
scarcely  different  from  the  great  mass  of  monkish  legends 
which  had  been  circulating  for  centuries  throughout  the  Chris- 
tian realm.  This  bears  witness  to  the  fact  that  anything  like 
distinct  national  features  in  religious  literature  was  practically 
impossible  under  an  organization  so  universal  and  all-powerful 
as  the  mediaeval  Church. ^^^  Mirk's  effort  to  infuse  new  ma- 
terial and  to  localize  the  exemplary  incidents  is  practically  lost 
amid  the  mass  of  well-worn  tales  which  play  so  important  a 

"°  Festial,  I,  39-40. 

"^Ibid.,  78. 

^"  Ibid.,  91,   173,   180,   181,   192,  281,  293,  299,  resp. 

"^ "  In  the  fourteenth  century,"  says  W  P,  Ker,  "  one  need  not  be  sur- 
prised to  find  that  a  good  deal  of  the  prose  of  all  the  countries  of  Europe 
is  a  little  monotonous  and  jaded.  For  the  general  character  of  progress 
had  been  a  levelling  down  of  national  distinctions,  and  a  distribution  over 
the  whole  field  of  the  same  commonplaces,  so  that  one  finds  the  same 
books  current  everywhere,  the  same  stories ;  the  popular  learning  in  the 
vernacular  tongues  became  almost  as  clear  of  any  national  or  local  char- 
acter as  the  philosophy  of  the  schools."  Essays  on  Mediaeval  Literature, 
21. 


113 

part  in  this  representative  of  English  preaching  at  the  time  of 
Chaucer,  Langland,  Govver  and  WycHffe. 

To  summarize, — we  have  seen  that  at  the  opening  of  the 
thirteenth  century  exempla  in  Latin  were  circulating  among 
the  clergy  but  preaching  was  at  a  low  ebb,  and  stories  were 
rarely  employed  in  the  dry  sermons  of  the  period.  Then, 
toward  the  close  of  the  first  quarter  of  the  century,  came  the 
friars,  who  spread  quickly  through  the  thickly  settled  districts 
and  popularized  the  tales  in  their  vernacular  sermons.  During 
the  remainder  of  the  century,  however,  the  exemplum  was 
little  used  in  English.  Meanwhile,  saints'  lives  had  been  ac- 
cumulating and  growing  in  favor,  and  by  the  opening  of  the 
fourteenth  century  were  circulating  widely.  The  legendary 
had  now  to  a  certain  extent  taken  the  place  of  the  ordinary 
homilies,  especially  in  the  service  for  saints'  days.  Narratives 
in  the  pulpit  were  thus  encouraged  both  by  the  sermons  of  the 
friars  and  by  readings  from  the  legendaries.  About  1300  the 
North  English  Homily  Collection  gave  prominent  expression  in 
the  vernacular  to  the  exemplum.  A  little  later  the  Contes 
Moralises  of  Nicole  de  Bozon,  in  addition  to  their  use  of  tales, 
sometimes  local  and  secular,  indicate  that  fables  and  moraliza- 
tions  from  nature  and  popular  superstitions  were  in  vogue  as 
material  for  sermons.  The  treatises  of  Richard  Rolle  and  his 
followers  show  that  among  the  Mystics,  narration  was  dis- 
tinctly subordinate  to  the  expression  of  thought  and  religious 
emotion.  Finally,  at  the  opening  of  the  fifteenth  century, 
Mirk's  Festial  represents  the  type  at  the  height  of  favor. 
Secular  tales  mingle  in  profusion  with  episodes  from  saints' 
lives  and  monkish  legends  and  though  evidently  serious  in  his 
aims,  the  preacher  has  become  a  teller  of  tales  rather  than  an 
expounder  of  the  gospel. 

The  exemplum  had  taken  such  strong  hold  upon  both 
preachers  and  people  that  it  maintained  itself  for  a  long  time  in 
spite  of  opposition.  Wycliffe  and  his  followers  had,  in  the 
closing  years  of  the  fourteenth  century,  voiced  a  strong  ob- 
jection to  the  use  of  tales  in  the  pulpit,  but  a  confirmed  practice 
which  lightened  the  labors  of  the  clergy  and  pleased  the  masses 
was  not  to  be  stopped  at  once.     Even  the  opposition  of  the 

9 


.     114 

Church  Councils,  as  was  pointed  out  in  the  introductory 
chapter,  failed  for  a  time  to  do  more  than  check  the  abuse  of 
illustrative  tales.  So  the  use  of  exempla  continued  in  England, 
as  elsewhere,  and  new  translations  of  Latin  example-books  ap- 
peared. Sermon  collections  of  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  cen- 
turies attest  the  persistence  of  the  type^^®  and  show  that  even 
such  reformers  as  Latimer^^"  were  not  altogether  beyond  its 
pervasive  influence.  By  1400,  however,  the  beginning  of  the 
end  had  arrived ;  the  Reformation  had  set  in  and  although  the 
decline  was  gradual,  the  passing  of  the  exemplum  was  fore- 
shadowed.^^^ 

"'  See  Crane,  7.  de  V.,  introd.,  liii ;  also  Douce,  Illustrations  of  Shaks- 
pere,  II,  341-42. 

""  See  Sermons  by  Hugh  Latimer.  It  is  important  to  note  that  Latimer's 
narratives  usually  resemble  more  the  illustrations  used  by  modem  preachers 
than  they  do  the  legendary  incidents  which  made  the  exemplum  a  distinct 
type. 

"^Cf.    Paul's    Grundriss,   II,    Pt.    ii,    739. 


CHAPTER   V 

The  Exemplum  in  Religious  Treatises  and  Instruction- 
Books 

In  addition  to  its  use  in  sermons,  the  exemplum  was  em- 
ployed in  at  least  two  other  types  of  literature,  the  religious 
treatise  and  the  instruction-book,  which  constitute  the  subject 
of  this  chapter. 

Inasmuch  as  the  religious  treatises  consist  of  discussions  of 
the  vices,  virtues  and  kindred  topics  pertaining  to  ecclesiastical 
discipline,  they  closely  resemble  the  sermons.  It  was  a  Church 
policy  to  expound  regularly  the  commandments,  the  creed,  the 
virtues,  and  the  deadly  sins.  A  ruling  of  the  Synod  of  Ox- 
ford (1281)  ordered  that  "every  priest  having  charge  of  a 
flock,  do,  four  times  in  each  year  (that  is,  once  each  quarter), 
on  one  or  more  solemn  feast  days,  either  himself  or  by  some 
one  else,  instruct  the  people  in  the  vulgar  language,  simply  and 
without  any  fantastical  admixture  of  subtle  distinctions,  in  the 
Articles  of  the  Creed,  the  Ten  Commandments,  the  Evan- 
gelical Precepts,  the  Seven  Works  of  Mercy,  the  Seven  Deadly 
Sins  with  their  Oflfshoots,  the  Seven  Principal  Virtues,  and 
the  Seven  Sacraments."^  Instruction  of  this  sort  was  not  con- 
fined to  sermons ;  treatises  helped  to  spread  the  knowledge  of 
how  to  live  so  as  to  gain  the  reward  of  heaven.  I  have  already 
cited  the  English  Metrical  Homilies  to  the  effect  that 

^  See  Gasquet,  Parish  Life  in  Mediaeval  England,  214;  also  215,  for  a 
similar  ruling.  In  1357  Archbishop  Thoresby  of  York  had  Jon  Gatryke, 
a  monk  of  St.  Mary's,  York,  translate  into  English  an  exposition  of  the 
creed,  commandments,  virtues,  sins,  etc.  The  Archbishop  says  in  his 
preface  to  the  tract  that  it  is  sent  out  to  all  his  priests  "  so  that  each 
and  every  one,  who  under  him  had  the  charge  of  souls,  do  openly  in 
English,  upon  Sundays  teach  and  preach  them,  that  they  have  cure  of  the 
law  and  the  way  to  know  God  Almighty."  Parish  Life,  216.  The  Synod 
of  Ely  (1364)  ordered  that  every  priest  frequently  expound  the  ten  com- 
mandments, etc.,  in  English.     Ibid.,  216. 

115 


116 

"...  Laued  men  havis  mar  mister, 
Codes  word  for  to  her 
Than    klerkes    that    thair    mirour    lokes, 
And  sees  hou  thai  sal  lif  on  bokes."^ 

About  1 200,  when  this  was  written,  "  mirours  "  for  the  laity- 
began  to  appear  in  English. 

One  of  the  earliest  of  these  treatises  extant  is  the  Middle 
English  dialogue  between  Soul  and  Reason,  entitled  Vices  and 
Virtues.  Since  this  piece  illustrates  in  its  plan  the  type  with 
which  we  are  to  deal,  it  may  be  briefly  outlined.  First,  Soul, 
representing  mankind,  indicates  the  vices  to  which  she  is  ad- 
dicted :  sorrow,  sloth,  pride,^  disobedience,  swearing,  lying,  back- 
biting, deceit,  cursing,  impatience,  self-will,  unrighteousness,  the 
ill-doing  of  the  five  senses.  Reason  suggests  betterment  by- 
advising  right-belief,  firm  hope,  charity,  humility,  fear,  pity, 
knowledge,  counsel,  strength,  understanding  and  wisdom.  But 
other  virtues  are  desirable  to  perfect  Soul  in  her  progress,  so 
after  an  interruption,  Reason  continues  to  prescribe  peace, 
prudence,  foresight,  righteousness,  moderation,  obedience, 
mercy,  penitence,  confession,  cleanness  in  body  and  thought, 
discipline,  patience,  maidenhood,  chastity,  continence,  inno- 
cence, abstinence,  fasting,  sobriety,  conscience,  prayer,  tears, 
discretion,  and  perseverance.  This  list  indicates  how  thor- 
oughly the  Church  had  classified  the  vices  and  virtues  of 
humanity  and  provided  that  the  good  should  serve  as  an  anti- 
dote for  the  evil*  Nothing  could  be  better  adapted  to  the  use 
of  exempla  than  a  treatise  of  this  kind. 

But  in  this  early  piece,  as  in  some  later  ones  of  the  same 

^  Eng.  Metr.  Horn.,  3.  The  number  of  such  treatises  in  Latin  must  have 
been  enormous.  The  translator  of  the  Orologium  Sapientiae  or  the  Seven 
Poyntes  of  Trewe  Wisdom  says,  "  per  hep  so  manye  bokes  &  tretees  of 
vyces  &  vertues  &  of  dyvers  doctrynes,  J?at  Jjis  schort  lyfe  schalle  have 
anende  of  anye  manne  J>anne  he  maye  owJJere  studye  hem  or  rede  hem." 
Anglia,  X,  328. 

'A  note  in  the  MS.  follows  "pride,"  to  the  effect  that  "envy"  seems  to 
have  been   overlooked  by   Soul.     V.   and   V.,   6. 

*  It  will  be  recalled  that  at  the  opening  of  the  thirteenth  century,  the 
Church  under  Innocent  III  reached  its  supreme  dominion  over  Christen- 
dom. Its  influence  was  felt  even  upon  the  most  insignificant  acts  of  the 
people. 


117 

nature,  the  exemplum  is  negligible.*"  The  allegorical  structure, 
which  commonly  characterized  these  pieces,  is  also  but  little 
emphasized.  The  writer  states  that  Soul  is  God's  temple. 
Right-belief  is  the  foundation ;  the  posts  which  are  to  bear  up 
the  edifice  are  such  major  virtues  as  humility,  fear,  knowledge, 
strength,  and  understanding;  charity  is  the  enclosing  wall;  to  it 
are  fastened  the  rafters,  i.  e.,  the  other  virtues.  Steadfast  hope 
is  the  roof  which  covers  all  beneath  it  with  the  shingles  of  holy 
thoughts  which  Wisdom,  the  work-master  of  the  blessed 
temple,  dictates.^  This  scheme,  however,  is  not  developed  in 
the  body  of  the  treatise.  In  another  early  thirteenth  century 
representative  of  the  "  mirour  "  type,  Sazvle  Warde,^  the  exem- 
plum is  wanting  but  the  allegorical  scheme  is  enlarged.  Here, 
Soul  is  a  house  of  which  Wit  is  the  master,  and  Will  the 
untoward  wife.  The  servants  of  the  house  are  of  two  kinds: 
first,  the  five  senses  needing  ever  to  be  guarded  from  following 
the  directions  of  the  lady  of  the  house ;  second.  Wit's  four 
daughters,  the  virtues,  Prudence,  Spiritual  Strength,  Modera- 
tion, and  Righteousness,  each  of  which  has  special  offices. 

The  Latin  Speculum  of  St.  Edmund,  written  by  Archbishop 
Edmund  Rich,  who  died  in  1240,  was  translated  into  English^ 
during  the  opening  years  of  the  second  half  of  the  century. 
Here  again,  the  seven  deadly  sins,  the  seven  Christian  virtues, 
the  ten  commandments,  the  twelve  articles  of  the  creed,  the 
seven  works  of  mercy  and  the  seven  prayers  of  the  Paternoster 
are  set  forth.  The  translator  preserves  the  stern  Manichean 
style  of  the  author  who  held  "  sykerly  ]7at  it  es  a  foule  lychery 
for  to  delyte  ]>e  in  rymes,  and  slyke  gulyardy."^  Beyond  a 
doubt  he  would  have  looked  upon  the  exemplum  as  savoring  of 
"  gulyardy " ;  at  any  rate  the  severity  of  the  work  is  not 
relieved  by  allegory  or  exempla. 

*"  A  brief  exemplum  from  Vitae  Patrum,  illustrative  of  discretion,  is  the 
only  instance.     See  V,  and  V.,  148. 

^  Ibid.,   92-4. 

'  Printed  in  Old  Eng.  Horn.,  First  Series.  The  source  of  the  work  is  a 
piece  by  Hugo  of  Saint  Victor.  See  Engl.  Stud.,  XII,  459-63  ;  see  also 
Vollhardt,  op.  cit.,  26  seq. 

^  Printed  in  Religious  Pieces  in  Prose  and  Verse,  ed.  Perry. 

^Speculum,  35. 


118 

The  mid-fourteenth  century  treatise  on  the  virtues  and  reli- 
gious functions,  called  the  Abbey  of  the  Holy  Ghost, ^  is  less 
severe,  inasmuch  as  it  developed  with  an  elaborate  allegorical 
apparatus  which  probably  made  the  book  fairly  inviting.  Its 
general  character  may  be  recalled.  The  Abbey  is  builded  on 
the  River  of  Tears  and  its  walls  are  made  by  Obedience  and 
Mercy.  The  stones,  which  are  Deeds  of  Charity,  are  cemented 
by  Love  of  God  and  Right-faith.  Patience  and  Strength  raise 
the  pillars ;  Prayer,  the  chapel ;  Contemplation,  the  dormitory ; 
Pity,  the  infirmary ;  Devotion,  the  cellar ;  Meditation,  the  store- 
house. The  Holy  Ghost  rules  the  convent,  and  Charity  is  the 
abbess;  Wisdom  is  the  prioress,  and  Meekness,  the  sub- 
prioress.  So  the  treatise  runs  on  through  the  gamut  of  the 
virtues  and  religious  functions  of  mediaeval  daily  life.  This 
allegorical  structure  gave  to  the  work  a  popular  tone,  but  of  the 
more  diverting  feature,  the  illustrative  tale,  there  is  little  use. 
Traces  of  it  here  and  there  show  at  least  an  acquaintanc  with 
the  type.  Reference  is  made  to  the  familiar  tale  from  the  life 
of  St.  Bartholomew  concerning  the  fiend  who  cried  out,  "  Bar- 
tholmee  incendunt  me  oraciones  tue."^*^  In  another  place 
appears  a  brief  account  from  St.  Augustine,  of  a  priest  who 
fell  into  a  state  of  ravishment  whenever  the  name  of  God  was 
mentioned.^^  But  the  writer  was  distinctly  of  the  Mystic  cult, 
and  as  I  previously  pointed  out,  the  Mystics  were  not  inclined 
to  use  exempla.  The  contemporary  manual  translated  by  Jon 
Gatryke,^^  although  it  is  a  "  Lay  Folks  Catechism  "  as  well  as  a 
preachers'  guide,  has  no  illustrative  tales.  The  explanation  for 
the  absence  of  exempla  in  the  above  treatises  is,  first,  that  they 
were  based  upon  Latin  treatises  which  did  not  contain  exempla ; 
second,  some  of  the  more  dignified  of  the  secular  clergy  were 
apparently  unwilling  to  popularize  their  works  by  using  the 
favorite  means  of  their  rivals,  the  friars.  The  exemplum,  it 
must  be  remembered,  was  never  quite  free  from  reproach. 

But  sufficient  evidence  remains  to  show  that  some  writers 

'  Printed  in  Religious  Pieces  in  Prose  and  Verse, 

^"Ibid.,   52. 

^Ibid.,  56. 

"  See  above,  p.  115,  note. 


119 

looked  upon  the  exemplum  as  a  helpful  adjunct  in  confirming 
and  explaining  the  points  in  these  "  mirours,"  and  as  a  legiti- 
mate temptation  to  read  their  otherwise  dry  pages.  This  will 
appear  in  the  examination  of  the  following  treatises :  William 
of  Wadington's  Manuel  des  Pechiez,  with  Robert  of  Brunne's 
adaptation,  Handlyng  Synne  (1303),  the  A%enhite  of  Inwyt 
(1340),  Jacob's  Well  (early  15th  century),  the  Myroure  of 
Oure  Ladye  (c.  1425). 

Of  William  of  Wadington,  the  author  of  the  Manuel,^^  little 
is  known  beyond  the  fact  that  he  was  a  thirteenth  century 

cleric  who 

"...  en   engletere   fu   ne, 
E  norri,  ordine,  et  aleve."^* 

This  he  urges  in  excuse  of  the  bad  French  and  somewhat 
crabbed  versification  of  his  treatise.  It  is  quite  likely  that  if 
Robert  of  Brunne  had  not  made  a  redaction  of  the  Manuel  it 
would  have  remained  in  oblivion.  As  it  is,  the  work  has  the 
modest  distinction  of  being,  so  far  as  I  can  ascertain,  the  first 
vernacular  "  mirour  "  treatise  in  England  to  employ  the  exem- 
plum consistently.^^  In  substance,  the  work  follows  closely  the 
lines  noted  in  the  opening  pages  of  this  chapter.  Indeed, 
William  disavows  any  invention  and  appears  to  take  the  usual 
mediaeval  pride  in  assuring  his  readers  that  all  is  said  on 
authority.^^  The  purpose  of  the  book  is,  he  says,  to  enable 
people  to  amend  their  lives,  but  he  suggests  that  the  reading 
will  be  made  enjoyable  by  tales : 

"  Ki  plus  en  lisant  seit  delituz, 
Cuntes  vus  mettrum  nus  aucuns, 
Sicum  les  seinz  nus  unt  cunte, 
Pur  plus  fere  hayr  pechie.'"' 

These  tales,  of  which  there  are  jEtffy- four,  do  not  differ  in  sub- 

^^  Robert  of  Brunne's  Handlyng  Synne,  with  the  French  Treatise  on 
which  it  was  iounded,  Le  Manuel  des  Pechiez  by  William  of  Wadington, 
ed.  by  Furnivall  for  the  Roxb.  Club,  1862;  re-ed.  by  Furnivall  for  the  E. 
E.   T,   S.,   No.    114-23,  to   which   I   refer  unless   otherwise   noted. 

^*  Roxb.  ed.,  413. 

"  Schofield   (op.   cit.,  463)    dates  it   1267. 

^°  Handlyng  Synne,  3. 

"/fctd.,  4. 


120 

ject-matter  and  treatment  from  those  in  the  sermons.  Stories 
taken  directly  or  indirectly  from  Gregory's  Dialogues,  the 
Vitae  Patrum,  Acta  Sanctorum,  saints'  lives,  Beda's  History, 
and  the  Bible  are  most  prominent.  They  are  placed,  regularly, 
near  or  at  the  close  of  the  topic  divisions.  Secular  and  local 
tales  are  comparatively  few.  Here  and  there  among  the  well- 
known  exempla  may  be  found  unfamiliar  ones,  such  as  that 
of  the  adulterous  wife  whose  skeleton  was  discovered  split  in 
two  with  a  dragon  lying  between,^^  or  of  a  proud  lady  whose 
ever  renewing  body  was  repeatedly  burned  to  ashes  by  a  fiery 
wheel.^®  But  these  themes  indicate  no  departure  from  the 
established  type.  All  of  the  stories  are  nearly  as  long  as  those 
in  the  Metrical  Homilies,  which  they  closely  resemble. 

Robert  of  Brunne's  adaptation  of  the  Manuel  brings  the 
exemplum  nearer  the  realm  of  art  than  any  work  previously 
considered.  In  view  of  the  fact  that  Robert  produced  the 
Handlyng  Synne  as  early  as  1303,  he  shows  unusual  ability  as 
a  story-teller;  he  has,  moreover,  a  worthy  aim.-**    Since 

"...  many  ben   of   swyche   manere, 
]>at  talys  and  rymys  wyl  blel>ly  here ; 
Yn  gamys,  &  festys,  &  at  J>e  ale, 
Love  men  to  lestene  trotevale : 
J>at  may  falle  ofte  to  vylanye, 
To  dedly  synne,  or  oJ>er  folye,"^ 

Robert  will  supply  them  with  tales  which,  if  they  "  falle  ofte 
to  vylayne,"  at  any  rate  have  a  corrective  effect.  A  new  audi- 
ence is  appealed  to ;  not  the  audience  which  assembled  to  hear 
the  preacher,  though  overlapping  was,  no  doubt,  considerable, 
but  the  assembly  at  "  gamys,  &  festys,  &  at  ]?e  ale."    The  effect 

^*  Handlyng  Synne,  63  seq. 

"  Ibid,,  113  seq. 

^  Hearne,  in  his  preface  to  Robert's  redaction  of  Langtoft's  Chronicle, 
says  that  Robert  of  Brunne  "  was  of  a  chearfull,  pleasant  humour,  and 
.  .  .  very  blithe  and  merry  whenever  he  saw  a  proper  occasion ;  at  all 
which  times,  however,  he  behav'd  himself  without  any  immoral  or  indecent 
expressions.  He  was  naturally  addicted  to  virtue,  and  his  being  engaged 
in  a  religious  course  of  life  made  him  have  a  stricter  guard  upon  himself.' 
Roxb.   ed.,   preface,   xxxv. 

^  Handlyng   Synne,    3. 


121 

of  this  on  the  spread  and  popularity  of  these  moral  tales  must 
have  been  great. 

Robert  makes  no  claim  to  originality,--  but  aside  from  almost 
constant  variations  from  his  source,-^  his  omissions  and  addi- 
tions are  numerous.  Realizing  that  for  his  purpose  too  much 
unrelieved  religious  matter  would  be  ill-advised,  he  omitted 
entirely  the  section  on  the  Twelve  Articles  of  Faith,  the  "  Petit 
Sermun"  of  six  hundred  and  eighty-eight  lines  on  the  Fear  of 
God  and  the  Love  of  God,  and  the  final  fourteen  hundred  and 
sixty  lines  on  the  Over-scrupulous  Conscience  and  the  Efficacy 
of  Prayer.-*  In  spite  of  the  omissions,  Handlyng  Synne  has 
above  three  thousand  lines  more  than  the  Manuel^  at  the  point 
where  the  adaptation  ends.  This  increase  is  due  in  part  to  the 
more  flowing  style  of  Robert ;  in  part  to  his  frequent  amplifica- 
tion of  moral  precepts,  but  chiefly  to  the  addition  of  illustrative 
tales.  Besides  expanding  some  of  those  in  the  Manuel,  Robert 
adds  no  fewer  than  a  dozen  outright.^^  Some  of  these  deal 
with  conventional  themes,  but  even  in  them  the  treatment  is  so 
spontaneous  and  fresh  that  the  dry  example-book  versions  are 
not  suggested.  Most  of  the  added  tales,  however,  narrate  local 
events  of  which  Robert  knew  or  had  heard.  Such  tales  as 
those  of  the  witch  and  her  cow-sucking  bag,  Robert  Grosseteste 
and  why  he  loved  music,  the  Cambridgeshire  miser-parson,  the 
dishonest  Kesteven  executors,  the  reproof  that  a  Norfolk  bond- 
man gave  a  knight,  have  a  local,  unconventional  stamp  both  in 
matter  and  manner.-®  But  aside  from  these  local  tales,  the 
illuminating  and  poignant  descriptions,  the  cleverly  phrased 
direct  discourse,  and  the  delightful  interspersed  personal 
observations  of  the  narrator,  make  even  the  hackneyed  themes 
live  again. ^^ 

The  Handlyng  Synne,  therefore,  marks  another  distinct  step 
in  the  development  of  the  type  in  England.     The  religious 

^  Handlyng  Synne,  4. 

^  The  parallel  texts   in  both   editions   make  comparison  easy. 
^  These  are  printed  in  the  Roxb.  edition. 
*°  See  ibid.,  preface,  xv,  for  a  list  of  these. 

^  For  the  above  tales,  see  Handlyng  Synne,  19,  158,  200,  206,  273,  resp. 
"  Furnivall  speaks  of  Robert  as  "  the  worthiest  forerunner  of  Chaucer," 
Roxb,  cd.,  preface,  iv;  see  also  Schofield,  op.  cit.,  411-16. 


122 

treatise  naturally  gave  greater  opportunity  than  the  more 
compact  sermon  for  the  amplification  of  illustrative  narratives, 
but  the  exempla  of  the  contemporary  Metrical  Homilies  show 
an  almost  equal  length.  Robert  went  a  step  farther.  Although 
he  introduced  and  closed  his  tales  with  the  familiar  expres- 
sions,^®  he  threw  an  added  emphasis  upon  the  story  for  the 
story's  sake.-^  Often  where  a  brief  exemplum  of  the  conven- 
tional pulpit  variety  would  have  been  logically  more  perspicu- 
ous, he  tells  an  elaborate  tale  which  in  spite  of  its  moral  is 
distinctly  entertaining  and  has  a  beginning,  middle  and  end. 
Robert  of  Brunne  advances  the  type  toward  Gower  in  whose 
hands  it  becomes  detached  from  its  ecclesiastical  moorings. 

The  next  work  which  we  shall  consider,  the  A%enhite  of 
Imvyt,  though  it  did  not  appear  till  1340,  is  distinctly  inferior 
to  the  Handlyng  Synne.  The  A-^enhite,  as  is  well  known,  is  a 
translation  by  the  Augustinian  monk,  Dan  Michel,  of  Frere 
Lorenz's  Le  Somme  des  Vices  et  des  Vertues,  composed  in 
1279.  Dan  Michel,  instead  of  popularizing  his  original,  trans- 
lated literally,  and  the  result  is  almost  if  not  quite  as  heavy  as 
the  contemporary  Pricke  of  Conscience.  Barring  a  few 
exempla,^"  the  only  relief  from  its  dry  explanation  of  com- 
mandments, articles  of  belief,  sins  and  virtues,  is  its  curious 
system  of  allegorical  nomenclature.  As  may  be  remembered, 
the  seven  deadly  sins  are  here  represented  as  seven  heads  of  the 
"  beste  of  helle ;"  each  head  has  a  number  of  "  boughs  "  which 
in  some  cases  have  "  twigs."  The  virtues  are  divided  into 
"  boughs  "  and  "  steps."  Among  all  this  forest  of  vices  and 
virtues,  there  are  seven  comparatively  bright  places,  the 
exempla. 

^  A  typical  opening  and  closing  may  be  cited : 

"  And  )>at  may  wel  preved  be 
Wy}>  a  tale  of  auctoryte. 


By  J)ys  ensample  may  Se  see 

J>at  god  ys  ever  ful  of  pyte."     Hand.  Syn.,  7,  12. 

"  It  will  be  remembered  that  at  about  this  time  the  Gesta  Romanorum 
did    something    similar    for    example-books. 

"  The  exempla  had  appeared  in  the  original ;  cf.  Petit  de  Julleville,  op. 
cit.,   II,    182. 


123 

But  the  exempla  take  us  back  from  the  spirited  tales  of 
Robert  to  the  example-book  style.  For  instance,  to  illustrate 
how  severely  blasphemy  is  liable  to  be  punished,  Dan  Michel 
says :  "  There  was  a  knight  that  swore  by  God's  eyes.  Quickly 
one  of  his  eyes  leaped  upon  the  chess-board.  An  archer,  be- 
cause he  had  lost  at  gaming,  took  his  arrow  and  shot  upwards 
toward  God,  That  morning  when  he  sat  gaming,  his  arrow  fell 
upon  the  chess-board  all  bloody."^^  Another  illustration  is  that 
of  the  ass  which  in  emulation  of  the  dog  fawned  upon  his 
master  and  was  belabored  for  his  pains.^^  To  show  how  mercy 
multiplies  riches  the  writer  gives  consecutively  four  short  con- 
ventional exempla  wherein  mercy  and  charity  are  rewarded  a 
hundred  fold.  They  all  tend  to  prove,  as  the  holy  man  either 
intentionally  or  accidentally  puts  it,  "  pet  merci  is  guod 
chapuare.""^  Besides  these  half-dozen  unelaborated  exempla 
and  some  negligible  Biblical  references  there  is  only  one  other, 
somewhat  longer  than  the  rest.  It  is  distinguished  by  the 
caption,  "  Hyer  ly]?  a  tale."  The  illustration  is  a  typical 
monkish  legend  of  a  hermit's  fall  from  grace.  A  holy  man 
once  chanced  to  be  in  a  temple  of  Mahomet.  Here,  surrounded 
by  his  cohorts,  sat  a  chief  devil.  One  after  another  the  sub- 
ordinates reported  to  their  superior  the  diabolic  havoc  they  had 
wrought  in  the  way  of  wrecks,  strife,  discord,  bloodshed,  and 
murder,  but  one  by  one  they  were  ordered  to  be  flogged  for 
sloth.  At  last  spoke  up  one  who  after  forty  years  of  persistent 
effort  had  caused  a  holy  man  to  commit  fornication.  Praise, 
kisses,  embraces  and  a  crown  were  awarded  this  devil  by  the 
ecstatic  prince  of  darkness.^*  All  these  tales  are  told  in  1340 
substantially  as  they  appeared  some  centuries  previous.  This 
emphasizes  once  more  the  fact  that  while  the  exemplum 
extended  its  scope,  appeared  in  new  combinations,  and  in  some 

^  A'Senbite,  45-6. 

""Ibid.,   155-56. 

^Ibid.,  191, 

*•  Ibid.,  239-40.  This  tale  with  slight  variations  in  detail  and  a  vast 
difference  in  the  manner  of  telling  appears  in  the  Handlyng  Synne  (pp. 
246  seq.).  Gaston  Paris  has  pointed  out  that  the  tale  is  a  composite  from 
Gregory's  Dialogues  and  the  Vitae  Patrum.  Cf.  Hist,  lift,  de  la  France, 
XXVIII,    201. 


124 

hands  developed  toward  the  short  story,  still  in  the  main  it 
retained  its  original  form  to  the  end  of  its  flourishing  period. 

Probably  Gower,  who  comes  next  in  chronological  order, 
made  the  most  noteworthy  attempt  to  turn  the  exemplum  into 
secular  channels,  or  better,  to  bring  the  secular  tale  into  the 
ocean  of  exempla.  But  though  the  tales  of  the  Confessio 
Amantis  are  given  the  semblance  of  moral  illustrations,  they 
far  exceed  the  bounds  of  our  type. 

Gower's  comprehensive  vice  and  virtue  treatise  of  thirty-one 
thousand  lines,  the  Miroir  de  rOmnie,^^  prepared  him  for  the 
Confessio  Amantis.  The  tales  in  the  former  are  comparatively 
few  and  brief,  but  of  much  significance  when  compared  with 
those  of  the  Confessio.  Aside  from  the  Biblical  illustrations, 
we  may  note  in  the  following  list  the  marked  tendency  to 
exemplify  observations  by  narratives  of  a  secular  tone: 

The   envious  man   who   would   lose   one   eye   in  order   that  his   comrade 

might  lose  two  (Miroir,  1.  3234) 
Socrates  and  his  scolding  wife  (1.  4168) 
The  robbery  from  the  statue  of  Apollo   (1.  7093) 
Lazarus  and  Dives  (1.  7972) 
Ulysses  and  the  sirens  (1.  10909) 
Of  the  Emperor  Valentinian  (1.  17089) 
Of  Sara,  the  daughter  of  Raguel  (1.  17417) 
Of  Phirinus  who  defaced  his  beauty  (L  18301) 
Of  Codrus,  King  of  Athens   (1.  19981) 
Nebuchadnezzar's  pride  and  fall   (1.  21979) 
Of  the  king  and  his  chamberlains  (1.  22765) 
St.  Macarius  and  the  devil  (two  stories,  11.  12565,  20905) 
The  undeserver  relieved  by  St.  Nicholas  (1.  iS7S7) 
The  dishonest  man  who  built  a  church  (1.  i55S3) 

All  of  these  except  the  last  four  are  found  in  expanded  form  in 
the  Confessio. 

In  writing  the  Confessio  Amantis,  "  Moral  Gower  "  adapted 
the  vice  and  virtue  idea  and  even  its  terminology  to  the  realm 
of  love.^®     The  exemplum  had  been  successfully  exploited  in 

^  The  Complete  Works  of  Gower,  ed.  G.  C.  Macaulay.  The  Miroir  and 
the  Speculum  Meditantis  are  identical. 

*"  As  Macaulay  points  out,  this  adaptation  leads  at  times  to  amusing 
consequences ;  for  example,  "  the  moralist  is  found  justifying  unlawful 
love  or  the  servant  of  Venus  singing  the  praises  of  virginity." 


125 

these  "  miroir  "  treatises ;  it  had  been  used  with  an  increase  of 
the  secular  tendency  by  Gower  himself  in  the  Miroir  de 
I'Omme.  With  suggestions,  perhaps,  from  the  Romance  of  the 
Rose  and  other  mediaeval  productions  he  adopted  this  very 
convenient  idea  for  bringing  out  his  stories.  Whereas  medi- 
aeval clerics  had  furnished  a  body  of  narratives  fitted  to  moral 
and  ecclesiastical  rules  and  regulations,  the  poets  and  scholars 
had  provided  a  fund  of  tales  which  were  not  badly  adapted  to 
illustrate  an  erotic  structure.  The  latter  form  the  body  of  the 
Confessio,  while  monkish  stories  are  almost  wholly  absent. 
The  melancholy  king,  how  Boniface  secured  the  papacy  by 
deceit.  Emperor  Julius  and  the  poor  knight,  the  Pagan  and  the 
Jew,  and  a  few  historical  and  Biblical  tales  are  all  that  in 
subject-matter  resemble  the  exemplum. 

In  form,  however,  there  is  much  to  recall  the  type.  The 
tales  are  uniformly  introduced  by  a  statement  that  Confessor 
is  to  tell  a  tale,  or  *'  ensample,"  of  envy,  pride,  humility,  or 
whatever  vice  or  virtue  of  love  is  under  discussion.  The  fol- 
lowing passage  dealing  with  the  misuse  of  the  eyes  is  typical: 

"  Mi    sone,    herkne    now    fortlii 
A  tale,  to  be  war  iherby 
Thin  yhe  forto  kepe  and  warde, 
So  that  it  passe  noght  his  worde. 

Ovide   telleth    in   his   bok 
Ensample  touchende  of  mislok." 

This  introduces  the  tale  of  Acteon,  which  is  followed  by  the 
familiar  restatement  of  the  point  involved: 

"  Lo  now,  my  sone  what  it  is 
A  man  to  caste  his  yhe  amis, 
Which    Acteon    hath    dere    aboht ; 
Be  war  forthi  and  do  it  noght."" 

Moreover,  the  frequent  use  of  the  term  "  ensample "  in  the 
text  and  "  exemplum  "  in  the  margin,  together  with  frequent 
moral  observations  on  the  tales,  serve  as  continual  reminders 
of  the  type. 

The  exemplum,  nevertheless,  as  I  have  intimated,  loses  its 
identity  with  Gower.     The  subject-matter  of  his  tales  is  too 

"  Conf.  Amant.,  Bk.   I,   44-6. 


126 

familiar  to  need  recalling ;  they  embrace  a  wide  range  of  classic 
and  mediaeval  themes  which  were  treated  by  such  men  as 
Boccaccio  and  Chaucer  with  little  if  any  thought  of  the  exem- 
plum.  To  hold  his  tales  together  Gower  used  the  exemplum 
idea  instead  of  such  a  framework  as  that  used  in  the  DecOr- 
meron,  let  us  say.  Such  a  notion  was  not  altogether  new, 
inasmuch  as  the  Dialogues  of  Gregory  follows  much  the  same 
plan.  Nor  was  the  use  of  classic  tales  for  illustrative  purpose 
new,  for  Alfred,  following  Boethius,  did  the  same  thing  in  the 
Consolation  of  PJiilosophy.  Still,  a  certain  amount  of  credit 
must  be  allowed  to  Gower  for  bringing  together  the  form  of 
the  exemplum  with  the  matter  of  poetic  narratives,  and  unit- 
ing them  in  a  thorough-going  fashion  to  the  vices  and  virtues 
of  love. 

But  after  all  is  said,  the  real  exemplum  remains  as  before. 
Gower's  stories  of  Apollonius,  of  Constance,  and  the  others, 
are  impressed  soldiers  in  the  army  of  erotic  morality.  They  do 
battle  much  more  bravely  as  free  lances  with  Chaucer  and 
Shakspere.  The  exemplum  had  acquired  during  its  growth 
and  spread  a  distinct  character  and  a  distinct  setting.  Gower 
may  with  the  most  laudable  intentions  tell  long  literary  stories 
to  illustrate  his  "  miroir "  of  love,  and  may  call  them 
"  exempla,"  but  we  who  know  Gregory,  Valerius,  Caesarius,  and 
Jacques  de  Vitry,  will  term  them  merely  "  examples."  They 
are  at  best  exempla  only  by  analogy. 

Jacob's  Well,^^  a  comparatively  little  known  treatise  of  the 
early  part  of  the  fifteenth  century,  brings  us  back  to  the  real 
exemplum.  The  plan  of  the  work  combines  in  a  consistent 
manner  the  free  use  of  illustrative  stories  noted  in  the  Hand- 
lyng  Synne  and  the  allegorical  scheme  of  Sawle  Warde  or  the 
Abbey  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  A  Biblical  figure^''  is  expanded  into 
a  truly  marvelous  allegory  of  the  elaborate  penitential  scheme. 
A  pit  of  oozy  water  and  mire,  representing  man's  body  beset 
with  sins,  is  to  be  made  into  a  wholesome  well  wherein  may 
flow  the  clear  water  of  Divine  Grace,     The  dirty  water,  or 

^  The  date   is  probably  the  first   quarter  of  the   fifteenth   century ;    see 
Jacob's  Well,  preface,  xi. 
^  Cf.  John,  IV,  6. 


127 

Great  Curse,  must  first  be  removed;  then  the  mire,  i,  e.,  the 
seven  deadly  sins.  Next  the  five  water  gates,  the  five  senses, 
must  be  stopped  up.  After  this  the  digging  must  continue 
until  the  seven  pure  springs,  the  gifts  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  are 
reached.  Then  follows  the  walling  process  in  which  stones, 
sand,  mortar,  even  the  windlass,  rope  and  bucket,  are,  needless 
to  say,  the  customary  virtues. 

The  work  is  based  on  a  Latin  original,  but  the  Englishman, 
in  adapting  it  for  the  farmers,  merchants  and  artisans  whom  he 
addressed,*"  appears  to  have  treated  his  source  with  something 
like  the  spirit  of  Robert  of  Brunne.  These  men,  like  Nicole 
de  Bozon  and  others,  were  close  to  the  people,  knew  their 
labors  and  amusements,  their  possibilities  for  good  and  their 
propensities  to  weakness,  and  discussed  them  in  a  simple, 
forcible,  often  broad  manner.*^  It  was  this  class  of  men  who 
made  most  effective  use  of  exempla. 

At  regular  and  frequent  intervals  Jacob's  Well  has  a  pair 
of  exempla  taken  mainly  from  the  Vitae  Patruni,  Jacques  de 
Vitry,  Caesarius,  Legenda  Aurea,  and  legends  of  the  Virgin. 
The  tales  are  therefore  hackneyed,  but  they  are  frequently 
forged  into  a  new  glow  by  the  striking  diction  of  the  zealous 
redactor.*-  To  illustrate  this  point  a  few  expressions  from  his 
typical  narrative  of  the  wicked  clerk  Odo  may  suffice.  "  pe 
feend  dede  hym  be  bathyd,  &  boyled,  &  sodyn,  in  pycche  &  oyle 
all  sethyng  over  ]>t  fyir."  "  He  made  hym  be  leyd  on  a  bren- 
nyng  grydell "  and  "  rostyd  wy]?  brennyng  bremston,  wy]? 
blowyng  under  of  belwes."  "Whanne  he  was  al  for-rostyd, 
fryed,  &  scaldyd,  &  ]?us  for-brent,  he  roryd  as  a  devyl  for 
peyne."  Then  the  devil  made  him  "drynke  reed  brennyng 
metal  moltyn,  til  it  ran  out  of  his  nose,  eygin,  &  erys."*''  The 
writer  customarily  follows  up  such  tales  with  dire  threats  of 

^As  Dr.  Brandes  points  out,  the  ninety-five  sections  or  chapters  seem 
to  have  been  delivered  day  by  day  as  sermons,  within  the  space  of  "  Jjis 
hool   tweyne   monthys   and   more."     Cf.  Jacob's   Well,   preface,   viii. 

"Like  Robert  and  Nicole,  the  writer  of  Jacob's  Well  does  not  shrink 
from   the   most  indelicate   terms   or  tales. 

*^  This  orthodox  gentleman  classes  together  "  wycches,  &  heretykes,  & 
LoUardys." 

^Jacob's  Well,  9  seq. 


128 

a  similar  fate  to  offending  listeners.  At  the  close  of  the  tale 
just  cited  he  says,  "  perfore,  )?ou  man  &  womman  pat  heryst 
J?e  word  of  god  ...  be  ware  .  .  .  for  gif  ]?ou  dyest  wyth-oute 
repentauns,  ]7ou  schalt  be  bathyd,  as  Ode  was,  in  brennyng 
pycche  &  oyle !  J^ou  schalt  be  rostyd  and  f ryed  in  J?e  fyir  of 
helle  !  ]70u  schalt  drynken  reed  boylyng  metal !  "  Of  course  the 
stories  are  uneven ;  some  vivid,  others  dull ;  some  brief,  others 
elaborate.  Though  not  so  numerous,  they  are  generally  slightly 
longer  than  those  in  Mirk's  Festial.  Aside  from  the  points 
noted,  the  previous  discussion  of  Mirk's  sermon  collection 
applies  to  the  present  treatise.**  With  Jacob's  Well  the 
exemplum  appears  to  have  reached  its  maximum  employment 
in  the  religious  treatise,  just  as  it  did  in  sermon  literature  with 
the  contemporary  Festial  of  Mirk. 

Before  concluding  this  section  on  religious  treatises  I  wish  to 
speak  of  the  Myroure  of  Oure  Ladye,  composed  between 
1408-50.*^  This  work  was  evidently  written  by  a  scholar  and 
was  intended  as  an  explanation  of  the  divine  service,  the 
"  hours "  and  "  masses,"  not  for  a  popular  audience  which 
needed  to  be  entertained,  but  for  the  Sisters  of  Sion,  a  religious 
community  near  Isleworth  on  the  Thames.  The  treatise  is 
divided  into  three  parts  treating  respectively  of  divine  service 
in  general,  of  the  services  for  each  day,  of  feasts  and  masses. 
The  second  and  third  parts,  being  rather  technical  expositions, 
did  not  lend  themselves  to  illustration,  but  in  the  first  part, 
which  consists  largely  of  general  explanation  and  exhortation, 
encouragement  of  zeal  and  deprecation  of  neglect,  exempla  are 
freely  used.*® 

The  use  of  tales  in  this  treatise  differs  somewhat  from  that 
in  the  popular  ones.  In  the  first  place,  a  very  restricted  range 
of  themes  is  represented.  The  benefits  to  be  derived  from 
praising  Jesus  and  Mary,  the  evil  of  neglecting  services,  the 
wickedness  of  personal  vanity  in  service,  cover  all  of  the  nar- 
rative themes.     Second,  no  suggestion  of  a  new  exemplum  is 

**  See  above,  pp.  107  seq. 

*^  The  Myroure  of  Oure  Ladye,  preface,  viii-ix.  The  editor,  J.  H.  Blunt, 
with  some  probability  inclines  to  the  belief  that  the  author  was  Dr.  Thomas 
Gascoign  of  Merton  College,  Oxford. 

**  A  few  had  appeared  in  the   similar  Ancren  Riwle ;   see  above,  p.  88. 


129 

to  be  found ;  Cesarius  and  Gregory  reign  supreme.  Third,  the 
sixteen  tales  employed  are  not  distributed  with  reference  to 
points  of  weakening  attention,  but  are  used  wherever  occasion 
warranted  and  one  or  more  apt  illustrations  were  at  hand. 
Finally,  although  even  here  the  same  absurdities  still  persist,*'^ 
there  is  a  notable  absence  of  the  personal,  vivid  quality  which 
we  noted  in  the  more  popular  and  sensational  Handlyng  Synne 
and  Jacob's  Well.  Aside  from  these  differences,  the  Myroiire 
is  noteworthy  in  showing  that  a  scholar's  dignified  treatise  for 
a  more  or  less  refined  audience  was  not  above  the  influence 
of  the  exemplum  at  the  opening  of  the  fifteenth  century. 

We  may  now  review  briefly  the  religious  treatise  before  pass- 
ing to  the  instruction-books.  The  exemplum  was  not  uni- 
versally employed  in  vernacular  treatises ;  frequently,  however, 
the  allegorical  structure  was  present  where  tales  were  lacking. 
In  some  cases  both  features  were  used.  The  exempla  tended 
to  expand  in  the  works  under  discussion,  but  side  by  side  with 
cases  of  expansion,  the  old  example-book  versions  persisted. 
In  the  hands  of  Robert  of  Brunne  the  type  approached  in 
vivacity  and  originality  of  treatment  the  Chaucerian  tale. 
Gower,  in  his  Miroir  de  I'Omme,  used,  by  the  side  of  Biblical 
and  monkish  tales,  a  number  of  secular  stories  which,  con- 
sidering their  brevity  and  their  direct  bearing  upon  moral 
issues,  may  be  regarded  as  exempla  in  the  technical  sense.  In 
the  Confessio  Amantis  long  secular  narratives  of  a  thoroughly 
literary  character  are  given  the  office  and  concomitant  features 
of  exempla.  In  addition  to  this  radical  departure  from  tradi- 
tion, the  love  setting,  though  couched  in  religious  terminology, 
is  foreign  to  the  type;  the  exemplum  therefore,  loses  its  real 
identity  in  this  work.  Jacob's  Well  at  the  opening  of  the 
fifteenth  century  falls  below  Handlyng  Synne  in  point  of  fresh- 
ness of  illustrative  matter,  but  it  has  noteworthy  vividness  of 
expression  and  presents  the  most  elaborate  collection  of 
favorite  exempla  of  any  treatise  in  this  class.     Finally,  the 

*'  The  following  themes  are  indicative :  a  monk  saw  a  fiend  gathering 
a  sack  full  of  high  notes  as  they  were  sung  {Myroure,  59)  ;  a  holy  man 
saw  a  fiend  in  the  likeness  of  a  little  black  boy  leading  a  monk  out  of  ser- 
vice (p.  31)  ;  the  soul  of  a  vain  singer  was  snatched  from  his  body  by 
fiends  (pp.  57-8). 

10 


130 

Myroure  of  Oure  Ladye  with  its  conventional  exempla  indi- 
cates that  the  scholarly  writer,  even  when  addressing  refined 
audiences,  found  the  type  useful  and  not  altogether  beneath  his 
dignity. 

The  remaining  class  of  writing  with  which  exempla  are 
organically  connected  is  the  book  of  instruction.  It  must  be 
stated  at  the  outset  that  illustrative  tales  play  a  relatively  small 
part  in  such  treatises  taken  as  a  whole ;  nor  is  it  to  be  wondered 
at,  since  the  exemplum  was  built  up  exclusively  for  moral  and 
religious  purposes.  One  reads  through  treatise  after  treatise 
of  the  usual  courtesy-book  type,*®  such  as  A  Book  of  Prece- 
dence, Stans  Puer  ad  Mensam,  The  ABC  of  Aristotill,  The 
Babees'  Book,  Hugh  Rhodes'  Boke  of  Nurture,  John  Russell's 
Boke  of  Nurture  without  finding  appreciable  evidence  of  tales. 
Naturally,  exhortations  not  to  pick  the  teeth  at  table  nor 
scratch  the  head  in  company  did  not  give  scope  for  illustrative 
tales. 

But  a  class  of  instruction-books  developed  which  combined 
features  of  the  courtesy-book  with  those  of  the  vice  and  virtue 
treatise.  Here  the  exemplum  found  a  place.  The  original 
of  this  class  of  works  appears  to  be  the  Secreta  Secretorum,^^ 
a  work  supposed  during  the  Middle  Ages  to  have  been  written 
by  Aristotle  at  the  request  of  Alexander.  There  are  no 
Greek  texts  extant  but  the  work  was  transmitted  through 
Syriac  to  Arabic.  From  Arabic  it  was  translated  into  Latin 
by  Johannes  Hispalensis  about  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury. During  the  next  century  a  second  and  enlarged  Latin 
translation  was  made  by  a  Frenchman,  Philip  Tripolitanus. 
From  then  on,  the  book  spread  widely  over  Europe,^**  and 

**  It  does  not  seem  advisable  to  enter  upon  a  discussion  of  this  type, 
but  the  reader  may  be  referred  to  the  following  essays :  Italian  Courtesy 
Books,  by  W.  M.  Rossetti,  printed  in  E.  E.  T.  S.  Ext.  Sen,  No.  8 ;  Early 
German  Courtesy  Books,  by  Eugene  Oswald,  printed  in  the  same  volume ; 
Edith  Rickert's  edition  of  the  Babees'  Book  has  a  popular  but  suggestive 
introduction. 

■"  See  Lydgate  and  Burgh's  Secrees  of  Old  Philisoffres,  a  Version  of 
the  Secreta  Secretorum,  edited  by  Robert  Steele  for  the  E.  E.  T.  S., 
Ext.  Sen,  No.  66.     Cf.  Warton,  op.  cit.,  11,  312  seq. 

"  Steele  has  examined  thirty  MSS.  in  the  British  Museum  alone  and 
suggests  that  there  are  doubtless  others  there.  Spanish,  Italian,  and 
French  versions  are  extant. 


131 

served  as  the  basis  of  a  large  number  of  treatises.^^  The 
Secreta  was  obviously  intended  for  the  instruction  of  noble 
persons,  but  in  the  explanations  of  the  nature  and  effects  of 
precious  stones,  planets,  fruits,  wines,  waters,  physiognomy,  the 
care  of  the  body  and  the  development  of  character,  there  were 
many  things  of  more  general  application. 

The  work  developed  with  little  use  of  illustrative  tales,  but 
two  Englishmen  in  their  rehandling  of  the  treatise  omitted 
much  of  the  encyclopaedic  matter,  which  did  not  invite  nar- 
ratives, and  made  exempla  a  notable  feature.  The  first  of 
these  was  Thomas  Hoccleve,  whose  poem,  the  Regement  of 
Princes^  written  in  141 2,  was  based  mainly  on  Egidio  Colonna's 
De  Regimine  Principiim,  some  other  version  of  the  Secreta 
Secretorum,  the  Libellus  de  Ludo  Scachorum  of  Jacobus  de 
Cessolis,  and  an  imposing  list  of  other  contributions  to  ancient 
and  mediaeval  learning.^-  Hoccleve's  work  consists  of  two 
parts :  ( I )  a  dialogue  between  Hoccleve  and  a  beggar,  in  which 
the  social  condition  of  contemporary  England  is  depicted  some- 
what after  the  manner  of  Piers  Plowman;  (2)  the  "  regement " 
proper,  in  which  are  set  forth  for  Prince  Henry  (later  Henry 
V)  fifteen  qualities  befitting  a  man  in  high  station.^^  The  first 
part  has  only  a  half  dozen  exempla,^*  but  the  second  with  its 
discussion  of  noble  qualities  is  copiously  illustrated  by  tales. 

The  exempla,   with  the  exception  of  a   few  Biblical  nar- 

""  Prominent  among  these  is  Egidio  Colonna's  De  Regimine  Principum; 
others  are  ascribed  to  Innocent  III,  Thomas  Aquinas,  Guillelmus  Paraldus, 
Simon  Islip.  Whether  Giraldus  Cambrensis'  De  Principis  Instructione  is 
based  upon  the  Secreta  is  doubtful ;  see  Steele's  forewords. 

^  Furnivall  lists  the  sources  cited  by  Hoccleve ;  see  Regement,  introd., 
xv-xvi. 

^  Such  as  justice,  pity,   mercy,  patience,   chastity,  magnanimity. 

"  Regement,  41-2,  42-3,  46-7,  62-3.  Near  the  close  of  the  first  section 
Hoccleve    says, 

"  Of  swiche  stories  cowde  I  telle  an  heepe, 
But  I  suppose  Jiise  schol  suffice." 

'''  Religious  legends,  such  as  that  of  the  rich  man  who  suddenly  sank 
into  the  earth  with  all  his  possessions  (Regement,  46-7),  are  very  rare. 
Local  anecdotes,  such  as  that  of  the  English  king  who  pardoned  a  mur- 
derer  (ibid.,   113),  are  equally  scarce. 


132 

ratives,  are  practically  alP^  drawn  from  ancient  history,  par- 
ticularly Roman,  real  or  fabulous.  A  few  typical  themes  may 
be  cited:  the  return  of  Regulus  to  Carthage,  the  crucifiction  of 
Theodorus  for  speaking  the  truth  to  a  king,  Camillus'  refusal 
to  deal  with  a  traitor,  the  story  of  Phalaris'  bull,  Alexander's 
courtesy  to  a  fallen  knight.^®  Narratives  of  this  kind  were 
well  adapted  to  illustrate  such  qualities  as  loyalty  to  one's  oath, 
nobility  of  character,  clemency,  and  similar  social  and  civic 
virtues.  The  stories  are  told  concisely,  and  in  addition  to 
their  direct  application  to  the  points  under  discussion,  they 
have  unusual  weight  owing  to  the  celebrity  of  the  persons 
involved.  Although  the  exempla  are  not  as  numerous  as  in 
Mirk's  Festial  or  Jacob's  Well,  they  are  a  prominent  feature, 
and  were  used  to  excellent  advantage  in  making  the  work 
interesting"  and  convincing  to  contemporary  readers. 

About  1420,  James  Young  addressed  to  the  Earl  of  Or- 
mond,^^  Lord  Deputy  of  Ireland,  another  English  version  of 
the  Secreta  Secretorum,  in  which  he  likewise  introduced 
exempla.  In  his  dedication  of  the  work,  which  he  called  the 
Governaunce  of  Prynces/^  he  says,  touching  his  additions,  "  I 
writte  to  your  Excellence  this  boke,  entremedelid  wyth  many 
good  ensamplis  of  olde  stories,  and  wyth  the  foure  cardynale 
vertues,  and  dyvers  othyr  good  matturis  and  olde  ensamplis 
and  new."®**     It  is  largely  in  connection  with  these  "vertues 

^^  Regement,  82,   93,  94-5-6,   109,   117-18,  resp. 

^  The   beggar   says   to    Hoccleve   just   before    the    second   section    opens, 

"Writte  to  hym  [Prince  Henry]  a  goodly  tale  or  two, 
On  which  he  may  desporten  hym  by  nyghte, 
And  his  fre  grace  schal  up-on  J>e  lighte." 

^  In  his  dedication,  Young  states  that  the  Earl  of  Ormond  had  requested 
that  there  be  translated  "  some  good  boke  of  governaunce  of  prynces  out 
of  latun  othyr  frenche  in-to  youre  modyr  tonge."     Regement,  122. 

^*  Steele,  the  editor,  calls  attention  to  a  few  later  translations  of  the 
Secreta  into  English.  Two  of  these,  one  from  a  French  and  one  from  a 
Latin  source,  are  printed  with  Young's  Governaunce.  They  are  consider- 
ably abbreviated  and  contain  no  exempla  worthy  of  note  except  two  tales, 
the  poison-maiden,  and  the  Jew  and  the  Mohammedan,  both  of  which  appear 
to  be  present  in  many  early  versions  of  the  Secreta  Secretorum.  Cf. 
Lydgate  and  Burgh's  Secrees  of  Old  Philisoffres,  introd.,  xiii. 

•"  Governaunce,    123. 


133 

and  dyvers  othyr  good  matturis  "  that  the  exempla  are  used. 
The  writer  usually  groups  his  tales  instead  of  spreading  them 
out  as  was  the  usual  custom.  After  some  discussion  of  a 
virtue  he  breaks  off  with  a  general  heading  under  which  he 
proceeds  to  narrate  a  number  of  tales.  The  following  head- 
ings are  typical :  "  Here  folwyth  ensamplis  of  olde  stories  to 
prow  the  forsayde  lasson  sothe,"  "  Now  here  begynnyth  olde 
stories  to  prowe  the  forsayde  techynge  of  prudencia  trowthe."^^ 
Under  these  captions  are  placed  from  four  to  six  short  nar- 
ratives, frequently  without  paragraph  division.  In  form  and 
arrangement,  therefore,  the  exempla  present  a  considerable 
amount  of  irregularity. 

In  themes  the  illustrations  in  the  Governaunce  show  two 
notable  characteristics :  the  prominence  of  historical  incidents, 
as  was  the  case  in  the  Regement,  and  the  appearance  of  new 
narratives.  To  be  sure,  many  of  the  historical  exempla  are 
taken  from  "the  wyse  clerke  Valery"  (Valerius),  the  Bible 
and  the  Gesta  Romanorum,  but  historical  works  and  modern 
events,^-  especially  in  Ireland,  are  also  drawn  upon.  Young's 
confidence  in  new  as  well  as  old  exempla  is  expressed  as 
follows :  "  To  prow  that  prayere  hugely  a-walyth  agaynes  the 
malice  of  enemys,  dyvers  good  olde  ensamplis  abow  in  this  boke 
y  han  writte ;  but  for-als-moche  as  good  newe  ensamples  sholde 
not  ben  unremembrid  for  lerynge  of  tho  that  arne  to  come, 
oone  of  tham  now  her  y  write."^^  He  goes  on  in  a  page  of  his 
crude  English  to  tell  how  the  Dublin  clergy,  grieved  by  the 
Irish  rebels,  went  twice  a  week  in  procession  praying,  with 
the  result  that  Earl  Butler  overcame  the  enemy.  Modern  nar- 
ratives of  this  sort,  together  with  brief  episodes  from  the  wars 
of  Alexander  and  Cyrus,  the  Trojan  war,  the  life  of  Nero, 
Roman  and  Greek  history,  and  a  great  number  of  mere  his- 
torical references,  are  used  to  illustrate  and  confirm  the  writer's 
observations. 

^^Governaunce,  128,  149. 

^' Ibid,,  129,  133,  136,  182,  203-4.  It  will  be  remembered  that  in  the 
example-books  of  Holkot,  historical  and  classical  narratives  were  especially 
prominent. 

^  Ibid.,   203. 


134 

The  scarcity  of  the  more  strictly  religious  exempla  is  due 
to  the  character  and  purpose  of  the  work.  It  was  designed 
principally  for  the  cultivation  of  persons  of  high  rank,  and  in 
so  far  as  it  has  more  general  application,^*  the  tone  is  social 
rather  than  religious.  The  virtues,  such  as  wisdom,  prudence, 
fortitude  and  the  like,  which  as  I  suggested  above  gave  scope 
for  illustrative  tales,  are  not  advocated  as  a  means  of  escaping 
the  "  everlasting  bonfire,"  but  as  making  for  uprightness,  tem- 
poral felicity  and  success. 

In  these  treatises  of  Hoccleve  and  Young  we  have  secular 
narratives  in  greater  prominence  as  exempla  than  we  have 
hitherto  noted.  But  though  the  tendency  was  to  employ  in 
instruction-books  secular  rather  than  religious  tales,  the  latter 
were  by  no  means  excluded.  This  was  due  to  the  fact  that 
a  discussion  of  the  ecclesiastical  vices  and  virtues  in  some 
cases  formed  a  part  of  the  class  under  discussion.  In  that 
event  the  religious  tale  maintained  a  place  beside  the  secular, 
as  is  exemplified  in  the  Book  of  the  Knight  of  La  Tour  Landry. 

This  work  was  completed  in  France  in  1372  by  Geofifrey  de 
la  Tour  Landry^^  for  his  daughters."^  "  Je  vouloye,"  he  says, 
"  faire  un  livre  et  un  exemplaire  pour  mes  filles  aprandre  a 
roumancier  et  etendre  comment  elles  se  doyvent  gouverner  et  de 
bien  du  mal  dessevrer."^^  During  the  reign  of  Henry  VI  the 
treatise  was  anonymously  translated  into  English  and  found 
such  favor  that  it  was  again  translated  by  Caxton,  who  pub- 
lished it  in  1484. 

The  author's  statement  concerning  the  compilation  of  the 
work  is  worthy  of  note.  Realizing  that  "  ancient  stories " 
were  excellent  teachers,  he  engaged  two  priests  and  two  clerks 
to  extract  for  him  "  exempla  from  the  Bible  and  other  books 
that  I  had,  as  the  acts  of  kings,  the  chronicles  of  France, 

^  Both  Hoccleve  and  Young  omitted  most  of  the  scientific  and  pseudo- 
scientific    matter. 

"^  On  Geoffrey,  see  Le  Livre  du  Chevalier  de  la  Tour  Landry,  edited  by 
Anatole  de  Montaiglon,  preface,  vi-xxvii.  See  also  Wright's  introduction 
to  the  Book  of  the  Knight  of  La  Tour  Landry. 

®*  Montaiglon  points  out  that  Geoffrey's  book  was  not  only  for  young 
girls  but  for  the  whole  life  of  women.     Op.  cit.,  preface,  xxxiv. 

^  He  says  shortly  after  (Le  Livre,  4)  that  he  has  made  a  similar  book 
for  his  sons.     This  book  has  not  been  found. 


135 

Greece,  England,  and  of  many  other  strange  lands."*'®  The 
resulting  book  is,  in  effect,  a  collection  of  classified  tales.  The 
writer  sets  forth  briefly  the  vices  to  be  eschewed,  interspersed 
with  the  virtues  to  be  emulated.  These  practically  exhaust  the 
ecclesiastical  list  and  include  many  other  topics,  such  as  the 
desirability  of  women  obeying  their  husbands,  the  evils  which 
result  from  over-familiarity  with  men,  or  excessive  pride  in 
dress,  and  many  similar  points  on  the  proper  conduct  of 
women.  The  work  is  divided  into  one  hundred  and  forty-four 
chapters,  each  comprising  a  brief  comment  on  some  vice  or 
virtue  and  one  or  more  entertaining  tales  in  confirmation  or 
illustration.  Above  one  hundred  and  fifty  stories  are  used  in 
this  way  and  constitute  by  far  the  greater  part  of  the  book. 

It  is  the  aim  of  the  author  to  use  only  "  profitable  examples  " 
and  not  to  speak  as  do  some  unworthy  books  "of  love  fables 
and  other  worldly  vanities."*'^  Although  the  Knight  has  em- 
ployed more  Biblical  tales  than  we  have  hitherto  noted  in  any 
treatise  or  set  of  sermons,  his  "  profitable  examples  "  include 
an  unusually  large  number  of  indelicate  exempla.  The  pre- 
vailing themes  are  those  of  the  monkish  legend,  and  the 
fabliau  so  turned  as  to  point  a  moral  lesson.  The  tales  about 
Caesar,  Alexander,  and  Camillus,  which  were  employed  in 
books  of  princely  culture,  give  way  in  this  more  popular 
treatise  to  anecdotes  of  a  more  familiar  nature,  involving  the 
indiscretions  and  virtuous  actions  of  ladies  and  knights  in  all 
lands.  Stories  involving  hermits,  monks,  saints,  and  miracu- 
lous happenings,  are  sufficiently  numerous  to  preserve  the 
monastic  flavor;  these  exempla  employed  by  the  Frenchman 
differ  in  no  respect  from  those  with  which  we  are  already 
familiar.  Considering  the  tales  of  the  Book  of  the  Knight  as 
a  body,  they  are  strikingly  similar  in  matter  and  form  to  those 
of  the  Gesta  Romanorum  from  which  many  are  drawn,  with 
the  same  tendency  to  extend  beyond  the  limits  of  exempla  to 
the  scope  and  spirit  of  entertaining  Boccaccian  tales. 

The  foregoing  works  indicate  the  place  and  nature  of 
exempla  in  instruction  treatises.  Other  books  of  a  similar  kind 
show  tl-te  same  features,  now  favoring  religious  narratives  and 

^«  Le  Litre,  4. 

^^The  Book  of  the  Knight,  118. 


136 

again  those  of  secular  tone.  The  Liber  Consolationis  et  Con- 
silii  or  Instructions  to  his  Son  by  Idle  Peter  of  Kent  expands 
the  Stans  Puer  theme  and  runs  off  into  BibHcal  stories  and 
tales  from  saints'  lives. '^°  The  Book  of  Cato,  after  a  long  and 
varied  career,  takes  unto  itself  monkish  illustrations  and  a  con- 
siderable number  having  more  secular  leanings,  such  as  "An 
ensample  of  a  cautele  that  a  woman  dyd  to  her  husbond,"  "  An 
ensample  of  a  bawde  and  of  her  catte  named  Pasquette,"  "  Of 
a  queue  that  had  a  child  by  her  cook."'^  The  list  of  works 
might  be  extended  but,  as  heretofore,  to  be  exhaustive  would 
be  as  impossible  as  valueless  for  our  purpose.  We  may  re- 
view briefly. 

Since  such  topics  as  table  manners,  cookery,  and  cures  for 
diseases  did  not  permit  illustration,  the  majority  of  instruction- 
books  contain  no  narratives.  But  those  treatises  which  aimed 
to  inculcate  civic  and  moral  rectitude  employed  exempla  con- 
stantly. Very  frequently  these  works  were  adaptations  of 
earlier  productions  and  as  was  often  the  case  in  sermons  and 
religious  treatises,  the  tales  were  added  to  the  originals.  The 
vogue  of  exempla  was  so  great  by  the  end  of  the  fourteenth 
century  that  they  were  interpolated  with  impunity  into  the  most 
revered  monuments  of  former  days ;  wherever  morals  were  dis- 
cussed, our  type  was  almost  sure  to  be  present.  In  books  of 
princely  instruction,  historical  themes  are  dominant;  in  the 
more  popular  treatises,  monkish  legends  and  fabliau  themes 
morally  turned  are  most  prominent.  The  secular  tone  of  the 
tales  in  the  instruction-books  is  more  marked  than  ever 
before,'^-  and  while  the  exempla  as  a  class  not  only  preserve 
their  illustrative  force  but  often  appear  in  example-book  form, 
their  distinctness  of  character  tends  more  and  more  to  break 
down,  as  they  merge  with  the  great  host  of  tales  which  were 
being  told  after  the  manner  of  Chaucer,  Boccaccio,  and  the 
French  raconteursP 

"*  See  A  Book  of  Precedence,  forewords,  xxiii. 

"  See  Dr.  Max  Otto  Goldberg,  Die  Catonischen  Distichen  wahrend  des 
Mittelalters  in  der  engl.  u.  franz.  Litteratur.  53-6. 

'^  The  fable  seems  to  have  fallen  largely  into  disuse  as  exemplum. 

"  Attention  may  be  called  to  Professor  H.  V.  Routh's  suggestive  remarks 
on  the  relation  of  exempla  to  jest-books,  collections  of  -facetiae  and 
"  mery  tales."     See  Camb.  Hist,  of  Eng.  Lit.,  Ill,  102  seq. 


CHAPTER  VI 

Conclusion 

Looking  over  the  whole  field  we  observe  that  while  the 
exemplum  played  a  considerable  part  in  the  early  religious  and 
didactic  literature  of  England,  it  was  distinctly  an  exotic 
feature,  emanating  largely  from  the  Continental  Church.  Even 
the  early  traces  of  the  type,  before  it  became  a  factor  in 
ecclesiastical  literature,  appeared  as  translations  from  Boethius 
and  Gregory  the  Great.  To  the  influence  of  these  translations, 
together  with  their  originals  and  the  Vitae  Patrum,  may  be 
ascribed  almost  wholly  the  use  of  exempla  during  the  Old 
English  period.  Under  such  influence,  legendary  and  Biblical 
illustrations  attained  considerable  prominence  in  the  discourses 
of  Aelfric,  but  decreased  in  the  Wulfstan  Homilies  and  prac- 
tically ceased  in  Old  English  sermons  as  the  early  influence 
died  out. 

During  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries,  when  vernacular 
preaching  was  at  a  low  ebb,  the  scholars  and  clerics  of  England 
were  circulating,  collecting  and  employing  in  Latin  composi- 
tions the  monkish  legends  and  fables  then  spreading  among 
Continental  churchmen.  By  the  opening  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  therefore,  Latin  exempla  were  plentiful  in  England. 

Even  then  it  remained  for  the  immigrant  Dominicans  and 
Franciscans  to  popularize  the  illustrative  tale.  Owing  to  the 
success  which  immediately  resulted  from  their  narrative 
method  of  preaching,  collections  began  to  appear  in  great 
numbers.  England,  as  we  have  seen,  made  some  compilations, 
but  her  monuments  of  this  kind  were  few  compared  with 
those  of  Germany,  France,  or  Italy;  and  in  her  greatest  col- 
lections, the  Gesta  Romanorum,  the  Speculum  Laicorum,  Hol- 
kot's  Moralitates  and  the  Liher  Sapicntiae,  and  Bromyard's 
Summa  Praedicantium,  native  tales  are  conspicuously  few. 

But  by  the  opening  of  the  fourteenth  century  these  foreign 

137 


138 

narratives  had  come  to  exert  a  powerful  influence  on  religious 
composition.  From  then  on  into  the  fifteenth  century  the 
majority  of  popular  preachers  employed  fables,  anecdotes,  and 
saints'  legends  in  increasing  numbers.  Throughout  the  period, 
however,  so  far  as  may  be  judged  by  the  extant  literature, 
English  preachers  were  fairly  conservative  in  their  use  of  tales. 
Undoubtedly  there  were  numerous  unrecorded  cases  of  an 
extempore  nature  which  go  beyond  John  Mirk's  tendency  to 
abuse  the  narrative  method.  Wycliffe's  outcries  were  probably 
based  on  abundant  provocation.  But  in  spite  of  opposition 
the  exemplum  thrived  until  the  Reformation  had  aroused  a 
more  effective  spirit  of  protest. 

Following  the  use  of  exempla  in  sermons  came  their  appear- 
ance in  religious  and  didactic  treatises.  The  religious  treatises 
were  composed  of  the  same  ecclesiastical  instructions  on 
righteous  conduct  which  had  formed  a  considerable  part  of  the 
sermons.  The  fund  of  exempla  was,  therefore,  equally  adapted 
to  the  former.  Here,  the  obvious  limitations  of  the  sermon 
were  absent  and  exempla  tended  to  expand  and  to  assume  the 
tone  of  literary  narratives.  Local  color  then  became  occa- 
sionally noticeable,  though  distinctive  English  characteristics 
were  here,  as  elsewhere  among  the  floating  body  of  universal 
tales,  sparse.  In  style,  a  marked  advance  beyond  the  exempla 
of  the  sermons  appeared  in  the  Handlyng  Synne;  and  with 
Gower,  entertaining  secular  tales  in  the  guise  of  moral  agents 
cannot  be  considered  as  exempla.  But  there  was  no  general 
evolution;  the  religious  treatise  still  preserved  the  old  themes, 
excepting  the  fable,  and  in  many  cases  the  old  manner. 
Departures  from  the  traditional  exemplum  were,  in  general, 
only  tendencies  toward  a  merging  with  the  great  body  of 
heterogeneous  narratives. 

Another  step  in  the  same  direction  characterized  works  of 
moral  instruction  after  the  opening  of  the  fifteenth  century. 
In  those  treatises  which  emphasize  civic  virtues,  historical 
narratives  appear  in  greater  proportion  than  hitherto.  When 
the  instruction-book  included  the  ecclesiastical  vices  and 
virtues,  elaborated  monastic  legends  were  once  more  in  evi- 
dence but,  following  the  lead  of  France,  fabliau  themes  with  a 


139 

moral  denouement  appeared  side  by  side  with  saints'  legends  ' 

and  religious  anecdotes. 

So  by  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century,  while  in  sermons,  * 

religious  and  didactic  treatises,  the  traditional  monkish  tale  i 

.  .  .  \ 

still  appeared,  an  enormous  variety  of  narratives  had  come  into  ) 

the  class  of  exempla,  which  tended  more  and  more  to  become  j 

entertaining  stories  rather  than  subordinate  religious  or  moral  j 

agents.  "i 

At  this  point  a  new  problem  presents  itself, — a  more  inten-  ] 

sive  study  of  the  literary  relations  of  the  exemplum.     The 
constant  echoes  of  the  type  in  the  works  of  such  men  as  | 

Boccaccio  and  Chaucer,  the  specific  abridgments  of  extended  J 

narratives  for  illustrative  purposes,  the  corresponding  expan-  j 

sion  of  exempla  into   independent   literary   productions,   the 
exemplary  poems,  such  as  The  Wright's  Chaste   Wife,  The 
Tale  of  the  Incestuous  Daughter,  Dame  Siris,   The  Penny- 
worth of  Wit  or  How  a  Merchant  did  his  Wife  Betray, — all  ' 
these  matters  invite  a  closer  examination  than  was  necessary 
or  desirable  in  the  foregoing  pages.    As  far  as  was  consistent                         ; 
with  the  work  in  hand  I  have  attempted  to  show  how  exempla,                         ' 
narrated  in  the  pulpit  and  at  wayside  gatherings,  or  brought  , 
together  in  collections,  sermons,  and  treatises,  originated  or 
caught  up  and  helped  to  popularize  and  perpetuate  anecdotes, 
fables,  apologues,  fabliaux,  contes  devots,  saints'  legends,  and 
oriental  tales.    More  particularly,  the  aim  has  been  to  examine 
the  nature  and  development  of  exempla  and  to  indicate  the 
important  part  which  they  played  in  the  religious  and  moral 
instruction  of  our  credulous  and  story-loving  ancestors. 


LIST  OF  BOOKS  CITED 

No  attempt  is  made  in  the  following  list  to  exhaust  the 
sources  consulted  in  the  preparation  of  this  study.  For  the 
convenience  of  the  reader,  the  title  and  edition  of  the  books 
cited  in  the  foot-notes  are  given.  All  references  to  journals 
and  periodical  publications  are  sufficiently  particularized  in  the 
notes. 

Aelfric,  Homilies  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Church,   ed.  Thorpe, 

Aelfric  Soc.  Pub.,  2  vols.,  London,  1844-46. 
Lives  of  Saints,  ed.  Skeat,  E.  E.  T.  S.,  2  vols.,  Nos.  76-82, 

94-114. 
Alanus  de  Insulis,  Summa  de  Arte  Praedicatoria,  ed.  Migne, 

Patr.  Lat.,  vol.  CCX. 
Aldhelm,  De  Laudihus  Virginitatis,  ed.  Migne,  Patr.  Lat.,  vol. 

LXXXIX. 
Alfred,  King  Alfred's  Old  English  Version  of  Boethius,  ed. 

Sedgefield,  Oxford,  1899. 
King  Alfred's  Version  of  the  Consolation  of  Boethius,  trans- 
lated into  modern  English  by  Sedgefield,  Oxford,  1900. 
King  Alfred's  West-Saxon  Version  of  Gregory's  Pastoral 

Care,  ed.  with  an  English  translation.  Sweet,  E.  E.  T.  S., 

No.  45-50. 
J  Alphabet  of  Tales,  ed.  Banks,  E.  E.  T.  S.,  Nos.  126,  127. 
Altenglische  Legenden,  ed.  Horstmann,  Heilbronn,  1878. 
Altenglische  Legenden,  Neue  Folge,  ed.  Horstmann,  Heilbronn, 

1881. 
Ancona,  Alessandro  d',  Studi  di  Critica  e  storia  letteraria, 

Bologna,  1880. 
Ancren  Riwle,  ed.  Morton,  Camden  Soc.  Pub.,  London,  1853. 
Anecdotes  historiques,  Legendes  et  Apologues  tirees  du  Recueil 

inedit  de  Etienne  de  Bourbon,  ed.  Lecoy  de  la  Marche, 

Paris,  1887. 
Aubertin,    C,   Hist  aire    de   la   Langue   et   de   la   Litter  ature 

frangaises  au  Moyen  Age,  2  vols.,  Paris,  1883. 

140 


141 

Bahees'  Book:  Mediaeval  Manners  for  the  Young,  ed.  Rickert, 

New  York  and  London,  1908. 
Barlaam  and  Josaphat,  ed.  Jacobs,  London,  1896. 
Beda,  The  Historical  Works  of  Venerable  Bede,  translated  by 

Giles,  2  vols.,  1843-45. 
Bernard  of  Clairvaux,  Homiliae,  ed.  Migne,  Patr.  Lat.,  vol. 

CLXXXIIL 
Blickling  Homilies,  ed.  Morris,  E,  E,  T.  S.,  No.  58-63-73. 
Boethius,  Philosophiae  Consolationis,  ed.  Peiper,  Leipzig,  1871. 
The    Consolation    of    Philosophy,    translated    by    James, 

London,  1897. 
Book  of  Precedence,  ed.  Furnivall,  E.  E.  T.  S.,  Ext.  Ser.,  No.  8. 
Bourgain,  F.  A.,  La  Chaire  frangaise  au  XH^  Siecle,  Paris, 

1879. 
Bromyard,  John,  Summa  Praedicantium,  2  vols.,  Basel   (un- 
dated). 
Caesar  of  Heisterbach,  Dialogus  Miraciiloriim,  ed.   Strange, 

1851. 
Cambridge   History    of   English   Literature,    ed.    Ward    and 

Waller. 
Canby,  H.  S.,  The  Short  Story  in  English,  New  York,  1909. 
Catalogi  Veteres  Librorum  Ecclesiae  Cathedralis  Dunelni,  pub. 

for  the  Surtees  Society,  London,  1838. 
Catalogue   of   the   Western   Manuscripts  in   the   Library   of 

Emanuel  College,  compiled  by  James,  Cambridge,  1904. 
Caxton,  Golden  Legend,  ed.  Ellis,  Temple   Classics,  7  vols., 

1900. 
Courthope,   W.   J.,  A    History   of   English   Poetry,   6   vols., 

London,  1895-1910. 
Cruel,  R.,   Geschichte  der  deutschen  Predigt  im  Mittelalter, 

Detmold,  1879. 
Cursor  Mundi,  ed.   Morris,   E.   E.   T.   S.,   Nos.   57,   59,  62, 

66-68-69. 
Cuthbert,  Father,  The  Friars  and  hozv  they  came  to  England, 

London,  1903. 
Dan  Michel,  A%enbite  of  Inwyt,  ed.  Morris,  E.  E.  T.  S.,  No.  23. 
Dante,  The  Divine  Comedy,  trans.,  Cary. 
Deutsche  Predigten  der  XHI  iind  XIV  Jahrhunderten,  ed. 

Leyser,  Bibl.  der  gesammt.  deutsch.  nat.  Lit., 


142 

Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  ed.  Stephen  and  Lee,  62 

vols.,  New  York  and  London,  1885-1900. 
Douce,  Francis,  Illustrations  of  Shakspere  and  of  Ancient 

Manners,  2  vols.,  London,  1807. 
^  Dunlop,  John,  The  History  of  Fiction,  2  vols.,  Philadelphia, 

1842, 
Earle,  John,  Anglo-Saxon  Literature,  London,  1884. 
English  Metrical  Homilies,  ed.  Small,  Edinburg,  1862. 
Erasmus,  Stultitiae  Laus,  Basel,  1780. 
Ecclesiastae  sive  de  Ratione  Concionandi,  ed.  Klein,  Leipzig, 

1820. 
Forster,  Max,  tjber  die  Quellen  von  Aelfric's  Homiliae  Catho- 

licae,  Berlin,  1892. 
Freeman,  E.  A.,   The  History  of  the  Norman  Conquest  of 

England,  5  vols.,  Oxford,  1869-71. 
Garnett,  Richard,  A  History  of  Italian  Literature,  New  York, 

1898. 
Gasquet,  Abbot,  Parish  Life  in  Mediaeval  England,  London, 

1907. 
Gerould,  G.  H.,  The  North-English  Homily  Collection,  a  Study 

of  the  Manuscript  Relations  and  the  Sources  of  the  Tales, 

Lancaster,  Pa.,  1902. 
Gervase  of  Tilbury,  Des  Gervasius  von  Tilbury  Otia  Imperialia, 

in   einer  Auswahl  neu   herausgegehen,   Felix  Liebrecht, 

Hannover,  1856. 
Gesta  Romanorum,  ed.  Madden,  Roxburghe  Club,  1838. 
Gesta  Romanorum,  ed.  Herrtage,  E.  E.  T.  S.,  Ext.  Ser.,  No.  33. 
Gesta  Romanorum,  ed.  Oesterley,  Berlin,  1872. 
Gesta  Romanorum,  translated  by  Swan,  New  York,  1906. 
Giraldus  Cambrensis,  Giraldi  Cambrensis  Opera,  ed.  Brewer, 

Dimock    and    Warner,    Rolls    Series,    8    vols.,    London, 

1861-91. 
Goldberg,  Max  Otto,  Catonischen  Distichen  wdhrend  des  Mit- 

telalters  in  der  engl.  u.  franz.  Litteratur,  Leipzig,  1883. 
Gower,  Works,  ed.  Macaulay,  4  vols.,  Oxford,  1899-1902. 
Green,  J.  R.,  History  of  the  English  People,  4  vols..  New  York, 

1878-80. 
Gregory  the  Great,  Homiliae  in  Evangelia,  ed,  Migne,  Patr. 

Lat.,  vol.  LXXVL 


143 

Dialogues,  ed.  Migne,  Patr.  Lat.,  vol.  LXXVII. 
Grein-Wiilker,  Bihliothek  der  angelsdchsischen  Poesie,  4  vols. 

in  3,  Leipzig,  1883-98. 
Bihliothek  der  angelsdchsischen  Prosa,  6  vols.,  Cassel,  Ham- 
burg,  I 872-1 907. 
Hain,   L.,   Repertorium  Bihliographicum,   4   vols.,    Stuttgart, 

Paris  and  Tubingen,  1826-38. 
Harnack,  Adolph,  The  History  of  Dogma,  trans.,  Buchanan, 

7  vols.,  Boston,  1 898-1903. 
Harry,  Philip,  A  Comparative  Study  of  the  Aesopic  Fable  in 

Nicole  Boson,  Cincinnati  University  Studies,  1905. 
Hervieux,    Leopold,    Les   Fabulistes  Latins,    5    vols.,    Paris, 

1893-99. 
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INDEX 


Abbey  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  ii8,  126. 

Acta  Sanctorum,  120. 

Aelfric,  homilies  of,   4,   25,   29,   30, 

35,  37,  39,  40,  43,  Si,  93,  137;  as 

a  preacher,  30 ;  use  of  exempla,  32 

seq.,  41,  43- 
Aethelred,  38. 
Aethelwold,  29,  90. 
A^eiibite  of  Inwyt,  122. 
Alanus  de  Insulis,  on  exempla,  14. 
Alfred,  King,   apology  for  exempla, 

22. 
Allegory,  in  religious  treatises,  117; 

in  instruction-books,  129. 
Alphabetum  Narrationum,  7,  14,  75, 

98. 
Ambrose,  St.,  46, 
Ancren  Riwle,  5,  87  seq. 
Andreas,  90. 
Apologues,  9. 
Ardens,  Radulfus,  45. 
Aubertin,  C,  on  exempla,  12. 
Augustine,   St.,  homilies   of,  25,  29, 

76. 

Barbour,  legendary,  92. 

Barlaam  and  Josaphat,  9,  y6,  103, 
106. 

Becket,  Thomas  a,  legend  about,  iii. 

Beda,  homilies  of,  25,  29,  76 ;  Eccle- 
siastical History,  34,  40,  51,  76, 
103,  120. 

Bercheur,  Pierre,  79. 

Bernard  of  Clairvaux,  46. 

Bestiaries,  6,  47. 

Bhagavan  Bodhisattvascha,  9. 

Bible,  34,  41,  67,  76,  106,   120,  133. 

Blickling  Homilies,  25   seq.,  31,  35, 

SI,  93- 
Boccaccio,  80,  126,  139. 


Boethius,  22,  137. 

Bonaventura,  105. 

Book  of  Cato,  136. 

Book  of  Sindibad.  9. 

Brewer,  J.  S.,  on  Giraldus  Cambren- 
sis,  64 ;  on  religious  conditions, 
84 ;  on  sermons  of  the  friars,  86. 

Bromyard,  John,  82. 

Buddhist  Birth  Stories,  9. 

Caxton,  134. 

Chaucer,  80,  126,  139. 

Christ,  9. 

Chronicle  of  Turpin,  57. 

Church,  The,  resists  invasion,  39 ; 
under  Norman  prelates,  49. 

Church  Councils,  attitude  toward  ex- 
empla, 18,  114. 

Cnut,  39. 

Comestor,  Peter,  76. 

Concionator,  17. 

Confessio  Amantis,  124  seq.,  129. 

Consolation  of  Philosophy,  3,  21  seq., 
3S,  40,  SI,  126. 

Contes  devots,  92,  103,  no. 

Contes  Moralizes,  3,  79,  80,  94,  100 
seq.,  113. 

Courtesy-books,  130. 

Crane,  T.  F.,  on  exempla,  2 ;  on 
Bromyard's  Summa,  82. 

Crusades,  The,  73. 

Cursor,  Miindi,  92. 

Cuthbert,  Father,  on  religious  con- 
ditions, 84. 

Cuthbert,  St.,  use  of  exempla,  31. 

Danes,  The,  invasion  of,  38. 
Dante,  objection  to  exempla,  16. 
Decameron,  126. 
De  Dilatione  Sermonum,  15. 


147 


148 


De  Eriiditione  Praedicantium,  15. 

De  Laudibus  Virginitatis,  40,  87. 

De  Naturis  Rerum,  54,  58  seq.,  jz- 

De  Nugis  Curialium,  54,  55  seq. 

De  Proprietatibus  Rerum,  103. 

De  Regimine  Principum,  131. 

Dialogues  of  Gregory,  3,  7,  10,  11, 
IS,  31,  34,  40,  41,  46,  62,  67,  72, 
75,  80,  106,  120,  126;  Werferth's 
translation,  24,  51  ;  verse  transla- 
tion, 91. 

Dialogus  Miraculorum,  3,  7,  15,  75, 
98,  106. 

Directoriuin  Vitae  Humanae,  75. 

Disciplina  Clericalis,  3,  7,  9,  103, 
127. 

Divine  Comedy,  16. 

Dominic,  St.,  Life  of,  14. 

Dominicans,  13,  84  seq.,  113,  137. 

Douce,  Francis,  17. 

Dunstan,  29,  90. 

Durham  Cathedral,  exempla  collec- 
tions in,  74. 

Eadric,  39. 

Elene,  90. 

Emma,  38. 

English  Metrical  Homilies,  s,  115, 
120,  122. 

Erasmus,  objection  to  exempla,  17. 

fitienne  de  Besan?on,  on  exempla,  14. 

fitienne  de  Bourbon,  on  exempla,  13. 

Example-books,  classification  of,  7 ; 
in  England,  75  seq. 

Exempla,  circulation  of,  2  (note)  ; 
sources  of,  6  ;  purposes  of,  8 ;  in 
early  French  and  German  ser- 
mons, 12  ;  characteristic  features 
of,  33  ;  typical  themes  of,  70  ;  early 
collections  of,  73  ;  caution  in  use 
of,  77;  destruction  of,  87  (note). 

Exempla  Deodati,  76. 

Exempla  Deodati,  76. 

Exempla  virtutum  et  vitiorum  of 
John  Herold,  18. 


Exempla    virtutum    et    vitiorum    of 

Giovanni  Rossi,  19. 
Exemplum,  The,  defined,  i  seq. 
Eustace,  Abbot,  50. 

Fables,  as  exempla,  6. 

Fables  of  Bidpai,  9. 

Fabliaux,  135,  138. 

Factorum     et     Dictorum     memora- 

bilium,  3,  7,  15,  133. 
Felton,  John,  87. 
Festial,  33,  36,  92,  94,  107  seq,,  113, 

128,  132. 
Figures  of  Speech,  6,  47. 
Forster,  Max,  on  Aelfric,  29. 
Franciscans,  13,  84  seq.,  113,  137. 
Freeman,  E.  A.,  on  Danish  invasion, 

38  (note). 

Gatryke,  Jon,  118. 

Gautier  de  Chateau-Thierry,  objec- 
tion to  exempla,  17. 

Gemma  Ecclesiastica,  54,  60  seq.,  73. 

Gervase  of  Tilbury,  73. 

Gesta  Romanorum,  7,  66,  75,  79  seq., 
83,  99,  104,  133,  135,  137. 

Giraldus  Cambrensis,  60  seq.,  72,  85. 

Goedke,  Carl,  on  Bromyard's  Sum- 
ma,  82. 

Governaunce  of  Prynces,  132  seq, 

Gower,  80,  120,  124,  138. 

Green,  J.  R.,  on  Danish  invasion,  38. 

Gregory  IX,  85. 

Gregory  the  Great,  homilies  of,  10, 
25,  29,  46,  76;  on  exempla,  lo-ii ; 
influence  on  exempla,  20,  37,  137. 

Grosseteste,  84,  85 ;  legends  about, 
112,  121. 

Guthlac,  90. 

Handlyng  Synne,  120  seq.,  126,  129, 

138. 
Haymo,  29. 
Hermit,  The,  71. 
Herold,  John,  18. 


149 


Herrtage,    S.   J,    H.,    on    Gesta   Ro- 

manorum,  79. 
Hervieux,  L.,  on   Odo   de  Ceritona, 

72. 
Holkot,  John,  81. 
Horstmann,  Carl,  on  symbolism,   10 

(note). 
Hoveden,  John,  78. 
Humbert  de  Romans,  on  exempla,  15. 

Innocent  III,  6i. 

Instruction-books,  130  seq.,  136,  138, 
Instructions  for  Parish  Priests,  107, 

113- 
Isidor,  50. 

Jacobs,  Joseph,  on  Eastern  tales,  9. 
Jacob's  Well,  5,  7,  126  seq.,  129,  132. 
Jacques  de  Vitry,  exempla  of,  7,  75, 

80,  98,  103,  127;  13,  74. 
Jatakas,  9. 

Jerome,  homilies  of,  29. 
Jessop,  Rev.  Augustus,  on  religious 

observance    in    Norman    England, 

49. 
John  of  Alexandria,  Life  of,  75. 
John  of  Brompton,  Chronicle,  58, 
John  of  Salisbury,  yz- 
Josephus,  so. 
Juliana,  90. 
Juliana,  St.,  Life  of,  91. 


Legends  of  the  Virgin,  34,  51,  74, 
127. 

Le  Somme  des  Vices  et  des  Vertues, 
122. 

Libellus  de  Ludo  Scachorum,  131, 

Liber  Consolationis,  136. 

Liber  de  Moralicationibus,  81,  83, 
137. 

Liber  E.vemplorum,  75  seq.,  81. 

Liber  Sapientiae,  3,  81,  83,  102,  137, 

Lincoln  Cathedral,  exempla  collec- 
tions in,  73  (note). 

Lives  of  Saints,  Aelfric's,  32,  go,  93. 

Lives  of  Saints,  Bokenham's,  92. 

Manuale  Sacerdotum,  107. 

Manuel  des  Pechiez,  119  seq. 

Map,  Walter,  73. 

Marche,  Lecoy  de  la,  on  exempla,  2, 
12;  on  the  friars,  86  (note). 

Margaret,  St.,  Life  of,  91. 

Marie  de  France,  103. 

Meyer,  Paul,  on  exempla,  i,  12  ;  on 
the  Contes  Moralizes,  loi. 

Mirk,  John,  107,  138. 

Miroir  de  I'Omme,  124,  129. 

Monumenta  Franciscana,  84. 

Morris,  Richard,  on  the  Old  Eng- 
lish Homilies,  44. 

Myroure  of  Oure  Ladye,  128,  130. 

Mystics,  The,  105,  113. 


Kalilah  and  Dimnah,  9. 
Katherine,  St.,  Life  of,  91. 
Kinard,  J.  P.,  on  Wulfstan's  homi- 
lies, 38. 

Langton,  Archbishop,  84. 

Lapidaries,  6. 

Latimer,  114. 

La  Tour  Landry,  Book  of  the  Knight 

of,  37,  134. 
La    Tour    Landry,    Geoffrey    of,    on 

exempla,  14,  134. 
Legenda  Aurea,  7,  91,  98,  no,  127. 


Neckam,   Alexander,   58 ;   fables   of, 

104. 
Nicole  de  Bozon,  102,  no,  127. 
North    English    Homily    Collection, 

33,  93,  94  seq.,  99,  loi,   109,   113. 
Northmen,  invasion  of,  38. 

Odo,  Bishop,  29. 

Odo   de   Ceritona,   on   exempla,    13 ; 

sermons  of,   54 ;   fables  and  tales 

of,  66  seq.,  79,  103,  104. 
Oesterley,    H.,    on    the    Gesta    Ro- 

manorum,  79. 


150 


Old   English   Homilies,    4,    44    seq., 

47,  49>  SI,  52,  93- 
Orm,  50,  SI. 

Ormtilum,  49  seq.,  52,  95. 
Otia  Imperialia,  54,  58. 

Parables,  9. 

Parabolae   of   Odo   de   Ceritona,    13, 

67. 
Paris,  Gaston,  on  the  exemplum,   i, 

12  ;  on  Oriental  tales,  9  (note). 
Pastoral  Care,  20,  35,  51. 
Piaget,  Arthur,  on  the  exemplum,  i. 
Piers  Plowman,  131. 
Polycraticus,  54. 
Preaching,   in   England,   25,    58,   87, 

93,  loi,  106,  no,  138. 
Pricke  of  Conscience,  106,  122. 
Promptuarium  Exemplorum,  18. 

Reformation,     The,     effect     on     ex- 

empla,  19,  y6,  138. 
Regement  of  Princes,  131,  133. 
Religious  treatises,  115  seq.,  138. 
Robert  of  Brunne,  120,  127,  129. 
Rolle,  Richard,  prose  treatises  of,  5, 

94;  los,  113. 
Romance  of  the  Rose,  125. 

Saints'  lives,  62,   72,   74,  yS,  87,  89 

seq.,  no,  113,  120,  139. 
Sandys,  J.  A.,  on  the  Otia  Imperialia, 

58. 
Sazvle  Warde,  117,  126. 
Scala  Celi,  7,  16. 

Schofield,  W.  H.,  on  exempla,  16. 
Secreta  Secretorum,  130,  132. 
Sentences  of  Peter  Lombard,  85. 
Sept  Dormants,  91. 
Sermones    Vulgares    of    Jacques    de 

Vitry,  13. 
Seven  Sages,  9. 
Shakspere,  126. 


Smaragdus,  29. 

South  English  Legendary,  92,  93. 

Speculum  Exemplormn,  ig. 

Speculum  Historiale,  75. 

Speculum  Laicorum,  78,  83,  137. 

Speculum  Morale,  98. 

Speculum  of  Saint  Edmund,  117. 

Stultitia  Laus,  17. 

Summa  de  Arte  Praedicatoria,  14. 

Summa   Praedicantium,    81,    82,    83, 

137. 
Summa  virtutum  et  vitiorum,  75,  98. 
Swegen,  38,  39. 
Symbolism,      defined,      10      (note)  ; 

used  in  sermons,  25,  47,  50,  95. 

Ten  Brink,  B.,  on  the  Ancren  Riwle, 

87. 
Thorpe,    B.,    on    Aelfric's    homilies, 

29. 
Topographia  Hibernica,  64. 
Tractatus  de  diversis  materiis  prae- 

dicabilibus,  3,  13,  75. 
Traill,   H.   D.,   on  religious   decline, 

39  (note). 

Vices  and  Virtues,  5,  87,  116. 
Vitae  Patrum,  7,   11,  15,  32,  34,  40, 

SI,  62,  67,  72,  75,  90,  103,  106,  120, 

127,  137. 
Vollhardt,   W.,   on  the  Old  English 

Homilies,  45. 

Wanley,  38. 

Ward,  H.  L.  D.,  Catalogue,  74. 
Werferth,  Bishop  of  Worcester,  24. 
William  of  Wadington,  119. 
Wright,  ThoF.,  on  exempla,  2,  12,  73. 
Wulfstan,  homilies  of,  4,  38,  39,  40 

seq.,  47,  52,  137- 
Wycliffe,   objection   to   exempla,    17, 

106,  113,  138. 


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